Friday, January 3, 2025

Melchizedek's Role as a "King" in the Melchizedek Scroll

In an attempt to critique the work of the late John A. Tvedtnes, Matthew Paulson wrote that:

 

Tvedtnes claims, “In Genesis 14:36 JST, Melchizedek is given the additional title ‘king of heaven,’ which corresponds to his role as heavenly priest in both 11QMelch and 2 Enoch.” . . . There is no “king of Heaven” in 11Qmelch. (Matthew A. Paulson, Breaking the Mormon Code: A Critique of Mormon Scholarship Regarding Classical Christian Theology and the Book of Mormon [Livermore, Calif.: WingSpan Press, 2006], 251)

 

While the phrase “king of heaven” does not appear in 11QMelch (AKA 11Q13), Tvedtnes did not claim such; instead, Melchizedek being a “king” fits his role as depicted in the Melchizedek Scroll. Note the following from the text (11Q13 Col. ii:9-14) which reworks Psa 82 with Melchizedek as being the chief figure, not God:

 

9 it is the time for the «year of grace» of Melchizedek, and of [his] arm[ies, the nat]ion of the holy ones of God, of the rule of judgment, as is written

10 about him in the songs of David, who said: Ps 82:1 «Elohim will [st]and in the assem[bly of God,] in the midst of the gods he judges». And about him he sai[d: Ps 7:8–9 «And] above [it,]

11 to the heights, return: God will judge the peoples». As for what he sa[id: Ps 82:2 «How long will you] judge unjustly and show partia[lity] to the wicked? [Se]lah

12 Its interpretation concerns Belial and the spirits of his lot, wh[o …] turn[ing aside] from the commandments of God to [commit evil.]

13 But, Melchizedek will carry out the vengeance of Go[d’s] judgments, [and on that day he will fr]e[e them from the hand of] Belial and from the hand of all the sp[irits of his lot.]

14 To his aid (shall come) all «the gods of [justice»; and h]e is the one w[ho …] all the sons of God, and … […] (Florentino García Martínez and Eibert J. C. Tigchelaar, The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition [Brill: 1997-1998], 1207-9)

 

This is just another example of Paulson’s sloppy “scholarship” in his work.

 

 

Further Reading:

 

Listing of articles responding to “Breaking the Mormon Code”

 

 

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Thomas Aquinas on Jesus Retaining His Five Wounds/Scars in his Glorified, Resurrected Body

  

Fourth Article

 

Whether Christ’s body ought to have risen with its scars?

 

We proceed thus to the Fourth Article:

 

Objection 1. It seems that Christ’s body ought not to have risen with its scars. For it is written (1 Cor. 15:52): The dead shall rise incorrupt. But scars and wounds imply corruption and defect. Therefore it was not fitting for Christ, the author of the resurrection, to rise again with scars.

Obj. 2. Further, Christ’s body rose entire, as stated above (A. 1). But open scars are opposed to bodily integrity, since they interfere with the continuity of the tissue. It does not therefore seem fitting for the open wounds to remain in Christ’s body; although the traces of the wounds might remain, which would satisfy the beholder; thus it was that Thomas believed, to whom it was said: Because thou hast seen Me, Thomas, thou hast believed (John 20:29).

 

Obj. 3. Further, Damascene says (De Fide Orthod. iv.) that some things are truly said of Christ after the Resurrection, which He did not have from nature but from special dispensation, such as the scars, in order to make it sure that it was the body, which had suffered, that rose again. Now when the cause ceases, the effect ceases. Therefore it seems that when the disciples were assured of the Resurrection, He bore the scars no longer. But it ill became the unchangeableness of His glory that He should assume anything which was not to remain in Him for ever. Consequently, it seems that He ought not at His Resurrection to have resumed a body with scars.

 

On the contrary, Our Lord said to Thomas (John 20:27): Put in thy finger hither, and see My hands; and bring hither thy hand, and put it into My side, and be not faithless but believing.

I answer that, It was fitting for Christ’s soul at His Resurrection to resume the body with its scars. In the first place, for Christ’s own glory. For Bede says on Luke 24:40 that He kept His scars not from inability to heal them, but to wear them as an everlasting trophy of His victory. Hence Augustine says (De Civ. Dei xxii.): Perhaps in that kingdom we shall see on the bodies of the Martyrs the traces of the wounds which they bore for Christ’s name: because it will not be a deformity, but a dignity in them; and a certain kind of beauty will shine in them, in the body, though not of the body. Secondly, to confirm the hearts of the disciples as to the faith in His Resurrection (Bede, loc. cit.). Thirdly, that when He pleads for us with the Father, He may always show the manner of death He endured for us (Bede, loc. cit.). Fourthly, that He may convince those redeemed in His blood, how mercifully they have been helped, as He exposes before them the traces of the same death (Bede, loc. cit.). Lastly, that in the Judgment-day He may upbraid them with their just condemnation (Bede, loc. cit.). Hence, as Augustine says (De Symb. ii.): Christ knew why He kept the scars in His body. For, as He showed them to Thomas who would not believe except he handled and saw them, so will He show His wounds to His enemies, so that He who is the Truth may convict them, saying: ‘Behold the man whom you crucified; see the wounds you inflicted; recognize the side you pierced, since it was opened by you and for you, yet you would not enter.’

 

Reply Obj. 1. The scars that remained in Christ’s body belong neither to corruption nor defect, but to the greater increase of glory, inasmuch as they are the trophies of His power; and a special comeliness will appear in the places scarred by the wounds.

 

Reply Obj. 2. Although those openings of the wounds break the continuity of the tissue, still the greater beauty of glory compensates for all this, so that the body is not less entire, but more perfected. Thomas, however, not only saw, but handled the wounds, because as Pope Leo (cf. Append. Opp. August., Serm. clxii.) says: It sufficed for his personal faith for him to have seen what he saw; but it was on our behalf that he touched what he beheld.

 

Reply Obj. 3. Christ willed the scars of His wounds to remain on His body, not only to confirm the faith of His disciples, but for other reasons also. From these it seems that those scars will always remain on His body; because, as Augustine says (Ad Consent.,—De Resur. Carn.): I believe our Lord’s body to be in heaven, such as it was when He ascended into heaven. And Gregory (Moral xiv.) says that if aught could be changed in Christ’s body after His Resurrection, contrary to Paul’s truthful teaching, then the Lord after His Resurrection returned to death; and what fool would dare to say this, save he that denies the true resurrection of the flesh? Accordingly, it is evident that the scars which Christ showed on His body after His Resurrection, have never since been removed from His body. (STh., III q.54 a.4, in Thomas Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica [trans. Fathers of the English Dominican Province; London: Burns Oates & Washbourne, n.d.], 9:569; cf. J. Brodie Brosnan, What is Sacrificial Immolation? [London: Sands & Co., 1929])

 

 

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Thursday, January 2, 2025

An Example of “After All” Meaning “In Spite of” in Brigham Young’s February 3, 1867 Sermon

  

"I do not know," says one, "how to do better than I do." The Lord has given you and me the privilege of gathering up from among the wicked. "Come out of her my people," are some of the last words revealed through his servant John in the last of the revelations given in the New Testament. And one of the last writers we have here in this book—John the Revelator—looking at the Church in the latter days, says: "Come out of her, my people"—out of Babylon, out of this confusion and wickedness, which they call "civilization." Civilization! it is corruption and wickedness of the deepest dye. It is no society for you, my people, come out of her. Gather out where you can pray, where you can have meetings and sacraments; where you can meet, associate, and mingle together; where you can beautify the earth and gather around you the necessaries of life, and make everything as beautiful as Zion, and begin to establish Zion on the earth; sanctify yourselves, sanctify your houses, the lands that you live upon; your farms, the streams of water that flow through your cities, country places and farms; sanctify your hills and mountains and valleys, and the land around about, and begin to build up Zion. Now, "come out of her, my people," for this purpose, "and partake not of her sins, lest ye receive of her plagues." After all these revelations and commandments the people who profess to be Saints will mingle with the wicked, and foster those who would cut their throats, and feed and clothe, and give them everything they can gather together. (Brigham Young, “How Saints Should Order Their Vocation of Life—How Employ Their Wealth. To Build Up Zion, and not Babylon. Counsel of the Prophet Joseph. Prophet Brigham Young's Experience Therein, Importance of Union in Things Temporal and Spiritual, Religious and Political,” February 3, 1867, Journal of Discourses, 26 vols. [Liverpool: B. Young, Jun., 1867], 11:300)

 

 

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John M. Berridge and William Lee Holladay on Jeremiah 38:6

  

3. A Judean bearing the title “son of the king” (Heb ben hammelek) during the reign of Zedekiah (Jer 38:6). It is probable that this title (which occurs both in the OT and on a number of seals and bullae) refers to members of the royal family. It is apparent that some of these men held important administrative positions. According to Jer 38:6, the prophet Jeremiah was imprisoned in the cistern of Malchiah (Heb malkı̂yāhû). His duties, like those of Joash (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25) and Jerahmeel (Jer 36:26), appear to have included the maintenance of state security.  (John M. Berridge, “Malchijah (Person),” in The Anchor Yale Bible Dictionary, ed. David Noel Freedman, 6 vols. [New York: Doubleday, 1992], 4:486)

 

 

Jrm was put into a cistern belonging to Malchiah (v 6), who is identified as “the king’s son, who was in the court of the guard”; the designation “the king’s son” offers the same difficulty as it does for Jerahmeel in 36:26 (see there). If the datum in 2 Kgs 24:18 is correct, Zedekiah would be thirty years old at this time. If Malchiah was Zedekiah’s son, he could be approximately fifteen years old, own a cistern and function as a guard; but, on the other hand, “king’s son” may simply mean “of the royal family.” If he is Zedekiah’s son, he is certainly not the father of Pashhur (38:1)! (William Lee Holladay, Jeremiah 2: A Commentary of the Prophet Jeremiah, Chapters 26-52 [Hermeneia—a Critical and Historical Commentary on the Bible; Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress Press, 1989], 289)

 

On Jer 36:26:

 

Jerahmeel the king’s son is named only here. A bulla (stamp-seal impression) has come to light from Jerusalem in the last few decades of the monarchy bearing the inscription an לירחמאל בן המלך “(belonging) to Jerahmeel the king’s son.”

 

Opinion has differed whether “king’s son” is to be taken literally or whether it is the designation of an office. In favor of the latter is the fact that both Joash (1 Kgs 22:26) and Malchiah (Jer 38:6), who bear the title, seem to have had a police function, as Jerahmeel did; furthermore it has been urged that Jehoiakim is too young to have had an adult son, but this contention is based on the date of 604 for the burning of the scroll. In 601 Jehoiakim is thirty-three years old (2 Kgs 23:36). Jehoiachin was born in 616 (2 Kgs 24:8); Jerahmeel, if he were the son of the king, might have been born soon thereafter and be fourteen or fifteen years old in 601. André Lemaire, after surveying the biblical and extrabiblical evidence, likewise concludes that “the king’s son” is to be taken literally, but a recent study suggests that the term was current in Egyptian chronicles as a title for a functionary in the court, so that the same idiom may have been current in Judah. (Ibid., 260-61)

 

 

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Wednesday, January 1, 2025

Jaroslav Pelikan on θυσια (“sacrifice”) being used for prayers, gifts, and the lives of worshipers

  

There are certainly liturgical echoes audible in some of the language of the church fathers describing Christ’s death as a sacrifice, which was a term borrowed from pre-Christian worship, both Jewish and pagan, and adopted very early for Christian worship. Just how early the idea of sacrifice was applied to Christian worship, specifically to the Eucharist, is the subject of controversy. But by the date of the Didache—although that date is itself a controversial issue—the application of the term “sacrifice” to the Eucharist seems to have been quite natural, together with the identification of the Christian Eucharist as the “pure offering” commanded in Malachi 1:11. But even without an answer to the question of the Christian sacrifice, the description in the Epistle to the Hebrews of the death of Christ as a sacrifice seems to have been based on the Jewish liturgy. When the Jewish liturgical context of this sacrificial language could no longer be taken for granted among Christian hearers and readers, the Christian liturgies were already using similar language about the offering of the prayers, the gifts, and the lives of the worshipers, and probably also about the offering of the sacrifice of the Mass, so that the sacrificial interpretation of the death of Christ never lacked a liturgical frame of reference. When Barnabas, perhaps alone among the apostolic fathers, identified Jesus with the sacrificial victim of Old Testament worship, this accorded with his view of the Old Testament. And when, somewhat more than a century later, Cyprian described Christ as offering the sacrifice of his suffering,* it was in the context of the most extensive discussion of the celebration of the Eucharist in the third century. Between Barnabas and Cyprian, we find Tertullian speaking of Christ “offering himself up [to God] for our offenses” and citing the sacrifices of pagan worship in defense of the appropriateness of such an idea; and in a contrast between the “sacraments” of the Old Testament and those of the New, he spoke of Christ as a “sacrifice for all the Gentiles.”*(Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, 5 vols. [Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1975], 1:146-47, emphasis in bold added)

 

 

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Umberto Cassuto on how Ugaritic Helps with Some Obscurities in the Hebrew Bible

  

THE EXPLANATION OF BIBLICAL OBSCURITIES

 

The linguistic and literary affinity between the writings of Ugarit and those of the Bible helps us to learn a great deal from each of these two literatures concerning the other. ON the one hand, invaluable help for the understanding of the Ugaritic texts is afforded us by constant comparison of these works with Scriptural texts; and on the other hand, we can derive much benefit from the Ugaritic compositions for the elucidation of obscure Biblical passages and topics. Examples of the assistance of that the scholar investigating Ugaritic literature can receive from the study of the Bible the reader will find on almost every page of my commentary on the texts presented in this volume. Instances of the light that can be shed on many difficult verses in Scripture by the examination of Ugaritic writings, will be found in the following notes, apart from not a few examples that will likewise be encountered on the course of my commentary:

 

. . .

 

(3) In Isaiah xxvii 1 we read: ‎ בַּיּ֣וֹם הַה֡וּא יִפְקֹ֣ד יְהוָה֩ בְּחַרְב֙וֹ הַקָּשָׁ֜ה וְהַגְּדוֹלָ֣ה וְהַֽחֲזָקָ֗ה עַ֤ל לִוְיָתָן֙ נָחָ֣שׁ בָּרִ֔חַ וְעַל֙ לִוְיָתָ֔ן נָחָ֖שׁ עֲקַלָּת֑וֹן וְהָרַ֥ג אֶת־הַתַּנִּ֖ין אֲשֶׁ֥ר בַּיָּֽם—‘In that day the Lord with HIs hard and great and strong sword will punish Leviathan the fleeing serpent, Leviathan the twisting [or: ‘crooked’] serpent, and He will slay the dragon that is in the sea’.

 

It was difficult to fathom the prophet's intention in this verse so long as we did not know what was meant by 'Leviathan the fleeing serpent', by 'Leviathan the twisting serpent', and by 'the dragon that is in the sea'. Now a surprising parallel to these epithets, already noted by Ch. Virolleaud, who was the first to publish Ugaritic texts, has come to light in these writings. In Tablet I* AB, i, 1-3, Mot, in his address to Baal, says: k tmhs ltn btn brh tkly btn 'gltn šlyt d šb't r'ašm - 'When thou smitest Leviathan the bariah [fleeing?] serpent, and destroyest the twisting [or, crooked] serpent, the seven-headed monster', etc. In Tablet V AB, iv, H, Anath reminds her brother Baal: l'ištbm tnn 'išbmnh, mhšt btn 'qltn, šlyt d šb't r'ašm - 'I muzzled the dragon, yea, I muzzled him, I smote the twisting [or crooked] serpent, the seven-headed monster'. This parallel makes it possible for us to understand the allusion in the Biblical passage. In the Ugaritic epic the reference is to the monstrous creatures who were reckoned among the foes of Baal, the god of the heavens. These beings also entered the cycle of legends of the people of Israel (I shall deal with this fully later on), and they remained in the folk memory as the embodiment of evil forces opposed to the Creator, as representative of the powers of wickedness in the world. When the prophet came to announce that in the end of days God would destroy the forces of evil from the world, he used these mythical figures as symbols of wicked powers, symbols that were well known in the circle of his hearers.

 

(4) The reason for the prohibition not to seethe a kid in its mother's milk is not stated in the Pentateuch, and is unknown to us. The explanations that scholars have attempted to find for this negative commandment are only conjectures. One of these is advanced by Maimonides, who surmises that the Torah intended to abolish, by means of this prohibition, a custom connected with the idolatrous cultus; but Maimonides was unable to offer any proof of the existence of such a practice. Now, as Ginsberg already noted when the Ugaritic writings were first published,42 there has been found in the Ugaritic Tablet SS, line 14, a reference to the Canaanite custom of seething a kid in milk : tb[h g]d bhlb 'annh bhm'at -'Coo[k a ki]d in milk, a lamb in curd' (see also above, C, 8). The context apparently speaks of a ritual ceremony designed to draw the blessing of fertility to the earth; thus the connection, in the Biblical passages, between the bringing of the first fruits and the aforementioned prohibition becomes clear:

 

'The first of the first fruits of your ground you shall bring into the house of the Lord your God [to express your thanks to Him for the produce of the earth that He gives you, but take heed not to follow the practices of the land of Canaan; therefore] you shall not boil a kid in its mother's milk'.

 

(5) Needless to say, the study of the Ugaritic texts is able to shed light on the Biblical passages that deal explicitly with aspects of the religion and worship of the Canaanites. But this is not all. There are also matters mentioned in the Bible allusively, which were readily understood by the Israelites at the time when they were written down, but are not quite clear today to one who is not acquainted with the subject alluded to. Thus, for example, it is related in i Kings xviii 27, that the prophet Elijah mocked the prophets of Baal when they called upon the name of their god and prayed to him to answer them with fire from heaven, but there was no voice and no one heeded; and inter alia his derisive remarks contain the words: 'or he is on a journey'. The purport of this remark is not clear, but the Ugaritic Tablet IV AB enables us to understand its significance. It is narrated there, at the beginning of column ii, that one fine day the goddess Anath came to the house of her brother Baal and enquired of his servants if Baal was at home, and the servants answered (4-9): 'in b'l bbth(t) 'il hd bqrb hklh qšthn 'ahd bydh wqs th bm ymnh 'idk lytn pnm tk 'ah šmk - 'Baal is not in his house, the god Hadd is not in the midst of his palace; his bow he took in his hand, his arrows in his right hand, and then he set his face towards the marshes of Simku'. (Umberto Cassuto, The Goddess Anath: Canaanite Epics of the Patriarchal Age [trans. Israel Abrahams; Jerusalem: The Magnes Press, 1971], 48, 49-51)

 

 

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Happy 2025!

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