Tuesday, January 31, 2023

Edwin Firmage, Jr. (critic) on Martin Harris' Visit with Charles Anthon

  

In the preface to his Classical Dictionary (1825), Anthon shows some acquittance with Champollion’s treatise on Egyptian. Even so, his ability to translate anything must have been minimal, to say the least. It is doubtful that Anthon ventured a translation. Anthon himself denied having authenticated Smit’s translation. His two versions of the interview, occasionally at odds with each other, are discussed in Richard Bushman, Joseph Smith and the Beginnings of Mormonism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984), 88, where additional literature on the topic is also given. However, Anthony may have ventured to identify the provenance of the characters. The reason for thinking so is that Harris’ description of the figures as “short hand Egyptian” reflects a knowledge of current Egyptological terminology, of which Harris could not have been aware of. Champollion (Précis du Sysème Hiéroglyphique 1:18, 20, 355) describes hieratic as “tachygraphie,” which is rendered “short hand” in the American review of Champollion’s work (American Quarterly Review, June 1827, 450). The reference  to Champollion’s Précis and to Anthon’s reviews of this work derives from a helpful article published by FARMS (“What Did Charles Anthon Really Say,” FARMS Update, May 1985). Anthon is known to have been familiar with this work (Classical Dictionary [4th ed., 1845], 45) and is the only known source from which Harris could have learned this usage. (Edwin Firmage, Jr., “Historical Criticism and the Book of Mormon: A Personal Encounter,” in American Apocrypha: Essays on the Book of Mormon, ed. Dan Vogel and Brent Lee Metcalfe [Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 2002], 15-16, n. 4)

 

Eric D. Svendsen on Ephesians 2:20

 


Peter is indeed the foundation upon which the church was built, but so are the rest of the apostles (Eph 2:20). The Greek words used in both Matt 16:18 (“I will build) and Eph 2:20 (“built upon”) are different forms of the same verb (οικοδομεω). Matt 16:18 affirms that the church would be built upon Peter, and Eph 2:20 affirms that the church was built upon the apostles. The singling out of Peter in Matt 16:18 can be no more significant than Paul in Gal 2:20 singles himself out from among all other Christians to affirm that Christ died for him. Both passages are intended to personalize, not exclude. (Eric D. Svendsen, Evangelical Answers: A Critique of Current Roman Catholic Apologists [Lindenhurst, N.Y.: Reformation Press, 1999], 194 n. 32)

 

Eric D. Svendsen on 1 Timothy 3:15

 


[εδραιωμα “pillar”] can equally mean “foundation” (in the sense of the source of truth) or “support” (in the sense of defender or protector of truth). (Eric D. Svendsen, Evangelical Answers: A Critique of Current Roman Catholic Apologists [Lindenhurst, N.Y.: Reformation Press, 1999], 22)

 

Perhaps, though, the Greek construction here is best taken as a hendiadys (“one through two”), which means that the second term is a synonym for the first (“the church, which is the pillar—that is, defensive wall—of the truth”). (Ibid., 196 n. 41)

 

Monday, January 30, 2023

Eric D. Svendsen (Protestant) on how Protestants Know the Truthfulness of the Bible

 


The proper approach begins by treating the Bible as any other historical document, with no presumption of inspiration. Next, we apply principles of textual criticism to the extant biblical documents to determine what the original autographs likely were. As it turns out, there is much more evidence for the accuracy of biblical documents than for any other documents of classical antiquity. We are faced, not with uncertain conjecture, but rather with an abashment of riches when it comes to the number of manuscripts with which we have to work, and the high degree of accuracy of knowing what the original manuscripts actually said.

 

Next, having determined the historical accuracy of the text of the biblical documents, we examine the accuracy of the writers of these documents. No matter how far historically we push any writer of a biblical book, the outcome is always that the writer is accurate in the recording of history. Even when there has been some question as to the accuracy of this or that writer, later archaeological digs have always vindicated these writers. So now what we have is not only a document that is accurate from the standpoint of what it originally said, but also accurate in every place we can check it against historical fact. We then can safely assume that if the writers of the biblical documents are completely accurate in every area that can be verified form other sources, likely they are just as accurate in those areas that cannot be verified from other sources. In other words, we can have complete confidence in the accuracy of all that they record.

 

Next, we examine the type of testimony that the writers are giving and we find that it is eye-witness testimony. The writers are recording things they have actually seen—and this in the fact of much opposition. The Jews, for instance, could have written their own documents countering these claims—or better yet, produced the dead body of Jesus, whom the New Testament writers claim rose from the dead—but they didn’t. We also find that most of the significant eye-witnesses willingly died for their belief in the truthfulness of their testimony. If this were a hoax, one might expect one very deluded eye-witness to die for his belief, but not many.

 

Finally, we find that these writers record the very words of Jesus, in some cases after much careful research. Jesus claimed over and over again to be God. His claim can be taken in only one of three ways: he was either a liar, a lunatic (either of which would immediately disqualify him from any further consideration as a “good” and “moral” teacher), or God himself. Because of the previous evidence of the willingness of the part of the eye-witnesses to die for their belief that Jesus rose from the dead, we must conclude that Jesus did indeed rise from the dead. And since Jesus is the only person in history who ever accomplished his own resurrection, we must conclude that he was neither a liar nor a lunatic, but that he was just whom he claimed to be; namely, God. And if he is God, then whatever he says must be unfailingly true and authoritative. One of the things he says is that Scripture is completely authoritative and infallible. Another thing he says is that his apostles have been vested with unique authority. (Eric D. Svendsen, Evangelical Answers: A Critique of Current Roman Catholic Apologists [Lindenhurst, N.Y.: Reformation Press, 1999], 97-98; Svendsen admits that this is similar to Keating’s “spiral argument” in Catholicism and Fundamentalism [Ignatius: 1988]—one struggles to see “normie” Protestants engaging in textual criticism and other methods discussed above to ascertain for themselves the truthfulness of the New Testament manuscripts, let alone the rest of the Bible; also note, it appears that Svendsen is not a presuppositionalist)

 

J. N. Washburn on the Book of Mormon being the stick of Joseph but not the record of Joseph

   

Mulekites as Nephites

 

We may not leave this brief survey without mentioning another aspect of the general subject, one that has, in my judgment, been neglected but which should not be ignored. (Omni 13-22) Now read Mosiah 25:2. It appears that when the Nephites and Mulekites merged, the lamb ate the lion. (We need not now spend time on the importance of record-keeping nor the equally provocative subject of what causes a equally provocative subject of what causes a language to deteriorate). How many students of the Book of Mormon have realized that the Nephites of its record appear to have been descendants of the Jews as much as or more than descendants of Ephraim and Manasseh? The Lehi group came from Manasseh (Alma 10;3); from whom did the Ishmael family descend? This question, however, is overshadowed by the fact that the numerically inferior Nephites (Mosiah 25:1-2) were submerged physically by the more numerous Mulekites. To what extent, then, and in what way, is the Book of Mormon the “stick of Joseph”? This question, like some more asked here, comes close to some cherished beliefs of Latter-day Saints. Let me make a suggestion or two, for, of course, the Book of Mormon is the stick of Joseph. But is that equivalent to saying that it is the record of Joseph? Perhaps not.

 

Alma 10:3 tells us categorically that Lehi was of the strain of Manasseh, the elder of Joseph’s sons. The Book of Mormon does not anywhere give the genealogy of the family of Ishmael. If it said that Ishmael was of Ephraim, there would be no problem. I think we may look in other directions for tentative solutions.

 

1. The Book of Mormon is not a record of common people, but of prophets, or, perhaps more accurately, by prophets. And every prophet, except Samuel, was a Nephite. Ammon the Zarahemlaite was one of the few Mulekites mentioned by name, and he was not a custodian of the records, nor was any other of that lineage. The Nephites were at least half Josephites (to coin a term), and doubtless one hundred per cent of that persuasion through official confirmation is lacking. This would make the Book of Mormon fill every technical requirement of the Bible text.

 

2. The Book of Mormon is the record of that son of Israel who ran “over the wall” to the “utmost bound of the everlasting hills,” (Genesis 49:22, 26) the only one that can quality on those terms. (J. N. Washburn, Book of Mormon Guidebook [N.P.: J. N. Washburn, 1968], 26-27)

 

Eric D. Svendsen, Evangelical Answers (1999) on the Earliest Church Fathers being Opposed to icon veneration


Many of the fathers expressly deny that the use of visible images for religious purposes (not to mention veneration of them) is or even can be a Christian practice. Clement of Alexandria is one such father: “The Law itself exhibits justice. It teaches wisdom by abstinence from visible images and by inviting us to the Maker and Father of the universe.” (Clement of Alexandria Stomata, Book II, XVIII) Clement appears to the Law of Moses and its expression of God’s unchanging character. The reason that “Moses expressly commanded that neither a carved, nor molten, nor molded, nor painted likeness should be made” was, in Clement’s view, because God did not want us to “cling to things of sense. . . . For familiarity with the sense of sight disparages the reverence of what is divine.” (Ibid., Book V, V)

 

Although Tertullian does not usually carry much weight with Roman Catholics, his thoughts on this echo Clement’s above. Battling the charge of atheism, Tertullian asks rhetorically: “if we refuse our homage to statues and frigid images . . . does it not merit praise instead of penalty that we have rejected what we have come to see is error?” (Tertullian, Apology XII)

 

Origen is yet another father who rejected the use of images for religious purposes. In Origen’s judgment, those “who address themselves to inanimate objects as to God” must be “intoxicated.” Moreover, anyone who images that images, “fashioned by men of worthless and sometimes most wicked character, confer any honour upon genuine divinities” is equally “insane.” (Origen, Against Celsus, Book III, LXXVI) While it is true that Origen is specifically referring to images of “god,” and not specifically to the saints, no one who makes such statements can at the same time assume that images may legitimately be used in the religious practice of venerating the saints.

 

Origen is very clear that venerating and praying to images is quite inconsonant with Christianity when he later writes:

 

The Scythians, the nomadic Libyans, the godless Seres, and the Persians agree in this [rejection of images] with the Christians and Jews. However, they are actuated by very different principles. For none of these other groups abhor altars and images on the ground that they are afraid of degrading the worship of God and reducing it to the worship of material things. . . .It is not possible at the same time to know God and to address prayers to images. (Ibid., Book VIII, LXIV-LXV) [italics mine]

 

Origen’s words speak for themselves. Trent has mistakenly—and quite carelessly—asserted that the legitimacy of venerating images was the unanimous view of the fathers. On the contrary, Origen went to great lengths to defend the “conduct of the Christians in refusing homage to any object except the Most High God, and the First-Born of all creation.” (Ibid., LXX) Their refusal to venerate images was solely because they had “learned from Jesus Christ the true way of serving God. And we shrink from [images which], under a pretense of piety, leads to utter impiety.” (Ibid., Book VIII, XX)

 

Origen’s views were certainly not unique to him. This was the view of all of apostolic Christianity. The early Christians were convinced that “that which is incorporeal must be offered to God, for He accepts this. . . For, if God is not seen, he should be worshipped with things that are not seen.” (Lactantius, Divine Institutes, Book VI, XXV)

 

Also revealing is Trent’s insistence that the Catholic believer is not venerating the image but rather what the image is a representation of:

 

. . . [not] that trust is to be reposed in images, as was of old done by the Gentiles who placed their hope in idols; but because of the honor which is shown them is referred to the prototypes which those images represent; in such wise that by the images which we kiss, and before which we uncover the head, and prostrate ourselves, we adore Christ; and we venerate the saints, whose similitude they bear. (Council of Trent, Session XXV)

 

Yet, according to several of the early fathers, this was the same line of reasoning used by the pagans, and one which the fathers categorically rejected. This is well illustrated by the statement from Athenagoras:

 

It is asserted by some [pagans] that, although these are only images, yet there exist gods in honor of whom they are made. They say that the prayers and sacrifices presented to the images are to be referred to the gods, and are in fact made to the gods. (Athenagoras, Apology [To the Emperors Marcus Aurelius Anoninus and Lucius Aurelius Commodus], XVIII)

 

Athenagoras later tells us that he is not raising this point to indict the pagans but rather to provide justification for the Christian rejection of images:

 

And I would beseech you, greatest of emperors, before I enter on this discussion, to be indulgent to me while I bring forward true considerations; for it is not my design to show the fallacy of idols, but, by disproving the calumnies vented against us, to offer a reason for the life we follow. (Ibid.)

 

Athenagoras writes to defend the course of life “we” follow (as distinct from the pagans), and to refuse the accusations against “us.” Clearly, Athenagoras is speaking categorically for all Christians in his day, and he tells us that the singular Christians practice is to reject visible images. Similarly, Arnobius, quoting his opponents, reiterates and then rejects the argument used by the pagans to justify the use of images:

 

Here also the advocates of images are wont to say this also, that the ancients well that images have no divine nature, and that there is no sense in them, but that they formed them profitably and wisely, for the sake of the unmanageable and ignorant mobs. (Arnobius, Adversus Gentes, Book VI, XXIV) . . . “But you err,” says my opponent, “and are mistaken. For we do not consider either copper, gold, silver, or those other materials of which statues are made to be in themselves god and sacred deities. Rather, in them we worship and venerate those beings whom their dedication as sacred items cause to dwell in those statues made by workmen.” (Ibid., Book XI, XVII)

 

The arguments used by Arnobius’ opponents are strikingly similar to those used by Trent and Catholic apologists as a whole. Both attempt to justify their practice by claiming that to venerate the image is in reality to venerate the person represented by the image. Arnobius flatly denies that this is possible. Lactantius also provides us with similar testimony:

 

What madness is it, then, either to form those objects that they themselves may after wards fear, or to fear the things that they have formed? However, they say, “We do not fear the images themselves, but those beings after whose likeness they were formed, and to whose names they are dedicated.” No doubt you fear them for this reason: because you think that they are in heaven. (Lactantius, The Divine Institutes, Book II, II)

 

But again, the rationale of the pagans in regard to images is precisely that proffered by Trent. They were not really venerating images, but rather what those images represented. As with Origen, Lactantius is thinking here about images of gods and not specifically saints; but this is not surprising when we consider that the invocation of saints was completely unheard of in the primitive church. Yet he rationale that he gives here applies equally to images of saints:

 

So, why, then [since you think that they are in heaven], do you not raise your eyes to heaven? Why do you not invoke their names and offer sacrifices in the open air? Why do you look to walls, wood, and stone—rather than to the place where you believe them to be? What is the meaning of temples and altars? What, in short, is the meaning of the images themselves, which are memorials either of the dead or of the absent? (Ibid.)

 

These statements from the fathers condemning the practice of venerating (and even creating) images are by no means confined to images of pagan gods. Irenaeus relates an early attempt by the Gnostics to set up Christian images for veneration:

 

[They] call themselves Gnostics. They also possess images, some of them painted, and others formed from different kinds of material. They maintain that a likeness of Christ was made by Pilate at that time when Jesus lived among them. They crown these images, and set them up along with the images of the philosophers of the world. That is to say, they place them with the images of Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle, and the rest. They have also other modes of honoring these images, after the same manner of the Gentiles. (Irenaeus, Against Heresies, Book I, XXV.6)

 

As with the other fathers cited above, Irenaeus’ statement betrays a categorial rejection of the use of images for religious purposes. He observes the Gnostics from a distance and notes that “they” possess images, and they “they” maintain a legend about an image of Christ made by Pilate. “They” honor these images the same way the Gentiles honor their pagan images. No one who speaks this way can at the same time entertain a legitimate Christian use of images. Indeed, it was the heretical Gnostics (not Irenaeus and orthodoxy) that set up and venerated the image of Christ—a decidedly Christian image. It would require very little imagination to conjecture what Irenaeus’ response would be to the Catholic crucifix!

 

Such was the view of the earlier fathers. There was no such thing as a Christian image made after the likeness of a saint in the earliest years of Christianity. Such things were frowned upon, even if the images were created merely for artistic merit. As Clement of Alexandria once noted: “It is with a different king of spell that art deludes you. . . It leads you to pay religious honor and worship to images and pictures.” (Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation to the Heathen, IV) For this reason, “works of art cannot be sacred and divine.” (Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, Book VII, V) Clement was so opposed to the use of images that he would not even allow that the images of the cherubim on top of the ark should be taken literally:

 

These golden figures, each of them with six wings, signify either the two bears (as some would have it) or rather the two hemispheres. For the name cherubim means “much knowledge.” . . . For He who prohibited the making of a graven image would never Himself have made an image in the likeness of holy things. (Ibid., Book V, VI. Ironically, many Catholic apologists use this same biblical passage to justify the current practice of Rome)

 

Similarly, Tertullian goes so far as to ascribe demonic activity to the veneration of images:

 

We know that the names of the dead are nothing, as are their images. But when images are set up, we know well enough, too, who carry on their wicked work under these names. We know who exult in the homage rendered to the images. We know who pretend to be divine. It is none other than accursed spirits. (Tertullian, De Spectaculis, X) . . . for idolatry, in fact, is a sort of homage to the departed; the one as well as the other is a service to dead men. Moreover, demons have abode in the images of the dead. (Tertullian, Elucidations, XII) . . . “Not that an idol is anything,” as the apostle says, but that the homage they render to it is to demons. These are the real occupants of these consecrated images—whether of dead men or (as they think) of gods. (Tertullian, De Spectaculis, XIII)

 

Whatever view one takes of the decisions of the later fathers regarding the veneration of images (namely, those at Nicaea II), one thing is absolutely clear; the acceptance of images for religious purposes was by no means the “unanimous teaching” of the fathers as Trent so erroneously claimed. Indeed, as we have shown, it was roundly rejected by the earliest fathers, and can therefore have no basis even in a supposed oral tradition of the apostles. *(Eric D. Svendsen, Evangelical Answers: A Critique of Current Roman Catholic Apologists [Lindenhurst, N.Y.: Reformation Press, 1999], 147-52)


 Further Reading:


Eric D. Svendsen, In the Image of God: A Dialogue With a Roman Catholic Apologist on the Veneration of Images (a thorough response to Robert Sungenis on the overwhelming early Christian evidence against the later defined RC/EO dogma)


Answering Fundamentalist Protestants and Roman Catholic/Eastern Orthodox on Images/Icons


Example of a Protestant Apologist Struggling on Authority and the Canon

 


Many observations can and must be made about [Scott] Hahn’s thesis. First, in regard to the authority of the church in ascertaining historical data such as the authorship of the gospels, Hahn has simply confused authority with historical reliability. Just because a person living during the Civil War era happens to record through written correspondence that Abraham Lincoln authored the Gettysburg Address, do we thereby attribute authority to this person in all historical matters about which he writes? (Eric D. Svendsen, Evangelical Answers: A Critique of Current Roman Catholic Apologists [Lindenhurst, N.Y.: Reformation Press, 1999], 10, italics in original)

 

There is, moreover, good reason that the men in these synods did not view themselves as infallible in their decision—the Roman Catholic doctrine of infallibility was not defined until 1870. While there is evidence to suggest that the early fathers viewed themselves as authoritative in their collective decisions, and that the church itself id indestructible, no church council for the first millennium  of Christian history claimed infallibility in its decisions; and the notion of papal infallibility was not proposed until around the fourteenth century. (Ibid., 13, emphasis added)

 

Authority was granted directly by God randomly, and without respect to current ecclesial authorities. (Ibid., 16, emphasis added)

 

So far from teaching Peter’s infallibility to define dogma (much less, sacerdotalism), this passage [Matt 16:18-19] teaches that Peter (and the other apostles according to Matt 18:19) will be (unwittingly) carrying out what has already been sovereignly decreed in heaven. (Ibid., 19)

 

[the earliest Christians] would be able to do this [trust the OT and later NT canons] on the assumption that the Holy Spirit occasionally gives infallible guidance, especially where it concerns the recognition and preservation of his word, and in spite of the fallibility of the agents he uses. (Ibid., 71-72)

 

Yes, some of the books were disputed at times; but there was always final consensus at some point. (Ibid., 72—note, sometimes it took centuries for some books to be universally accepted, such as the book of Revelation)

 

J. N. Washburn on "Up and Down" in the Book of Mormon and the Internal Consistency of the Text

  

Up and Down

 

Nothing in the Book of Mormon is more significant, nor more convincing, in the matter of its consistency (hence, authenticity) than the aspect of up and down. There were numerous occasions, some of which we have already reported, on which people went from the city of Nephi to the city of Zarahemla or from the city of Zarahemla to the city of Nephi. In every instance anyone going from Nephi to Zarahemla went down. Conversely, everybody who went from Zarahemla to Nephi went up. There is no exception, not one slip-up (Omni 12-13; Mosiah 28:1, 7; Alma 17:8; 28:5; 30:15; 51:11-13; Helaman 4:5; 6:4). There are a few references which represent someone as going over (the narrow strip of wilderness), but nowhere is the fundamental relationship violated. (J. N. Washburn, Book of Mormon Guidebook [N.P.: J. N. Washburn, 1968], 57)

 

 

Luke Leuk Cheung on James 1:2-11

  

[Jas] 1:2–11 does reflect a number of thematic parallels with 1:12–18. Semantically, 1:2–4 and 1:12–15 are linked together by the words πειρασμός-πειράζειν, δοκίμιος-δόκιμος and ὑπομονή-ὑπομένειν, and the theme of endurance in face of testing explicated in the two sub-sections. In 1:5, God is described as the one ‘who gives to all generously and ungrudgingly.’ This is further developed in 1:17 that ‘every generous act of giving, with every perfect gift, is from above (ἄνωθέν), coming down from the Father of lights, with whom there is no variation or shadow due to change.’ God is the God who gives (1:5/1:17). The wisdom for which one should ask is ‘wisdom from above’ (ἡ ἄνωθεν σοφία, 3:17). This matches the ‘word of truth’ (λόγος ἀληθείας, 1:18) which gives life to people. In contrast to those who receive wisdom from God through prayers of faith, the doubters cannot expect to receive anything from the Lord. Those described as ‘double-souled persons’ (ἀνὴρ δίψυχος, 1:8) are also sinners, as the parallel address in 4:8 indicates. Such description is not far from that of 1:13–15 where people are tempted to sin. In addition, in 1:5–8, those who have wisdom from God through prayer of faith are set in sharp contrast with ‘those who doubt’=‘double-souled.’ Such contrast also matches that of 1:13–18 where those who are tempted to sin by their evil desire resulting in death are set in contrast to those who receive life through the word of truth. (Luke Leuk Cheung, The Genre, Composition and Hermeneutics of the Epistle of James [Paternoster Biblical and Theological Monographs; Milton Keynes: Paternoster Press, 2003], 62–63.)

 

Friday, January 27, 2023

Oskar Skarsaune, "Justin's Canon of Scripture"

  

Justin’s Canon of Scripture

 

As Justin himself makes plain, his Christian sources would quote as Scripture passages that Justin could not find in the biblical books to which he had access. Justin concludes that Jewish scribes must have cut these passages out when they copied the relevant biblical books. The most instructive passages concerning this are found in Dialogue 71-73 and 120.5. Here Justin accuses the Jewish scribes of having deleted one passage from the book of Ezra, two from Jeremiah, one from David (i.e., the Psalms), and one from Isaiah. He quotes or paraphrases the allegedly deleted passages, which have in common that they appear as prophecies of Christ’s passion, one of which comes from a well-known apocryphon, the Martyrdom of Isaiah. This makes it likely also that the other quoted passages come from scriptural pseudepigrapha, now lost. In other words, Justin’s Christian sources could sometimes quote and use scriptural material that was not directly quoted from Scripture, but rather came from midrashic embellishments of the scriptural stories, as exemplified by some of the pseudepigraphic works of the centuries around the beginning of our era. In the Testimonia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, a reference to the Songs of Joshua is treated as Scripture on a par with a quote from canonical Joshua, and the same could well be the case in Justin’s sources. But Justin’s own concept of canon and Scripture is much stricter. He therefore cannot imagine anything else that these passages must have been part of the authentic text of the biblical books of Ezra, Jeremiah, David (the Psalms), and Isaiah. It is these books and none other that he has searched for these passages and not found them. He is completely unaware of the possibility that these passages could derive from other books than those represented in the scrolls of canonical Ezra, Jeremiah, Psalms, and Isaiah. Again we observe a characteristic difference between Justin and his Christian predecessors whose work is visible in his sources. In his debates with Jews, he was leaning more than he liked on the Jewish texts and much more than he knew of the Jewish canon. Since he would only base his argument on texts and complete books recognized as canonical and authentic by the Jews, he really had no choice.

 

This fact concerning Justin’s text and canon of Scripture is an early instance of a phenomenon to be observed all through the patristic period: when it comes to questions of text and canon, the ongoing dialogue with Judaism was perhaps the one most important factor in making the church not finally abandon the Jewish canon and text of the Bible. (Oskar Skarsaune, “Justin and His Bible,” in Justin Martyr and His Worlds, ed. Sara Parvis and Paul Foster [Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress Press, 2007], 63-64)

 

Will Rutherford: Justin Martyr Believed Jesus was a Second God Numerically Distinct from God the Father

  

He quotes a foundational proof-text, Genesis 19:24, to show that there exists “another God” numerically distinct from the Father of the universe. (Will Rutherford “Altercatio Jasonis et Papisci as a Testimony Source for Justin’s ‘Second God’ Argument?,” in Justin Martyr and His Worlds, ed. Sara Parvis and Paul Foster [Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress Press, 2007], 138)

 

Leslie William Barnard on "a cup of water and [a cup] of wine mixed with water" (First Apology 65)

Commenting on "a cup of water and [a cup] of wine mixed with water" (Gk: ποτήριον ὕδατος καὶ κράματος) in 1 Apology 65, Leslie William Barnard noted that:

 

A. von Harnack, Brot und Wasser, die eucharistischen Element bei Justin, TU 7.2 (1891), 115–44, proposed to eliminate kai kramatos (= wine and water mixed) as a gloss (it is missing in Codex Ottobianus) in support of his theory that, in Justin’s day, the eucharist was celebrated with bread and water alone. It seems, however, more likely that the omission in Ottobianus was due to a copyist who was deceived by the similarity of the ending of the words hudatos kai kramatos. Justin’s language is, however, rather unwieldy (elsewhere he uses the easier artos-oinos-hudōr). Krama is a mixture of wine and water (Tim. Loc. 95 E; Clem. Alex. Paed. 1.6, 2.2, 3; Nemes. Nat. Hom. 3), although in modern Greek it signifies wine alone. Justin definitely implies that the eucharistic elements were bread, a cup of water, and (a cup of?) water mixed with wine. Hippolytus (Apost. Trad. 23.1–7), in his account of the baptismal-eucharist, states there were three cups—water, milk and honey, and mixed wine. Justin does not mention the cup of milk and honey but he does refer to the other two cups—and in the same order as Hippolytus. Justin’s separate cup of water probably then refers (as with Hippolytus) to the baptismal washing the catechumen has recently received. (Cf. his references to the bread and cup of water found in Mithraism, which are a pale demonic imitation of the Christian rite—1 Apol. 66.4). It is, however, the bread and the cup of mixed wine and water that become the body and blood of Christ in the eucharist. (Leslie William Barnard, in St. Justin Martyr: The First and Second Apologies [Ancient Christian Writers 56; Mahwah, N.J.: Paulist Press, 1997], 177 n. 399)

 

Oskar Skarsaune and C. E. Hill on Justin Martyr's Use of the Gospel of John

  

Since it is almost an established dogma of scholarship that John does not make an appearance in Justin, I would like to point out that echoes of John are in fact to be seen in some of Justin’s fulfillment reports. Let me substantiate this by two case studies:

 

1. In 1 Apology 35.5-8 Justin quotes from Psalm 22:16b/18b in a condensed version: “They have pierced my hands and my feet, and have cast lots for my garment.” He then goes on to explain that the first phrase “refers to the nails which transfixed his hands and feet on the cross.” This detail about the nails in Jesus’ hands (but not feet) is only mentioned in John 20:25. Next, Justin explains how the second phrase came true: “After he was crucified, they cast lots for his garment (himastismon, singular), and [in this way?] his crucifers divided it among themselves.” The interesting thing here is that none of the Synoptic Gospels explicitly quotes Psalm 22:18b as a prophecy. They merely weave its wording into their own account: “When they had crucified him, they divided his clothes (ta himatia, plural) among themselves by casting lots (about the clothes, what each should have)” (Matt. 27:35/Mark 15:24, parenthesis only in Mark). John is the only Gospel to quote the whole verse of Psalm 22:18 as a prophecy fulfilled, to the letter, by what the soldiers actually did. The full text of the psalm has two phrases in synonym parallelism: “They divided my clothes among themselves, and for my garment they cast lots” (John 19:24b). Both phrases were realized according to John 19:23, 24a. (a) The soldiers divided ta himatia (plural) into four parts, thus fulfilling the first phrase. (b) But the himatismon (singular) for which they cast lots is taken to be the tunic of Jesus, which they would not tear apart. Accordingly, the casting of lots became necessary for this one piece of clothing. This focus on the second phrase of the psalm verse, the casting of lots with regarding to the singular himatismon, is preserved in Justin’s shortened Psalms quote as well as his fulfillment report. Justin’s source is at this point closer to John than to any of the Synoptics.

 

2. In 1 Apology 52.10-12 Justin brings an expanded, non-LXX version of Zechariah 12:10-12. Within this long quotation he pays especial attention to the phrase “they shall look upon the one whom they pierced” (exekentēsan, a non-LXX reading), as is shown by his repeated allusions to this particular phrase in Dialogue 14.8, 32.2, 64.7, 118.1. This prophecy does not appear in any of the Synoptics but is given a prominent position in the passion story of John as one of three explicit fulfillment quotations. The soldier pierced Jesus’ side so that the prophecy should come true: “They will look on the one whom they have pierced (exekentēan)” (John 19:34-37).

 

I find it fair to conclude that in Justin’s sources for the proof-from-prophecy argument, material from John’s passion story was used as a source for important prophecies as well as for fulfllment reports—less frequently than Matthew, but comparably to the use of Luke and Mark in the same sources. (Oskar Skarsaune, “Justin and His Bible,” Justin Martyr and His Worlds, ed. Sara Parvis and Paul Foster [Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress Press, 2007], 67-68)

 

Dialogue 105.1

 

There is, however, one exception in the Dialogue, where Justin’s reference to the Word’s incarnation seems to give his source for the teaching: “For I have proved he was monogenes to the Father of all things, begotten of him in a peculiar manner as Word and Power, and later having become man through the virgin, as we have learned from the memoirs” (Dial. 105.1; cf. 100.2, 4).

 

Pryor has argued that what Justin here attributes to the Memoirs should be restricted to the virgin birth and should not include that Jesus is monogenes to the Father, because Justin claims he has already “proved” his case, and Pryor finds no evidence of direct dependence on John 1 in the immediately preceding chapters. But Justin did not say here that he has “proved” anything “from the Memoirs”—as though he were saying that he had laid out all his alleged evidence explicitly from them—only that he and other Christians have learned these things from the Memoirs. For the plural “we” in “as we have learned from the Memoirs” evidently refers not to Justin and Trypho, but to Justin and other Christians. Moreover, even if we should restrict the information derived from the Memoirs to the virgin birth, we must recognize that Justin does not simply speak here of a “virgin birth”—a miraculous birth of a human being—he speaks of a divine figure (the monogenes of the Father, begotten of him in a peculiar manner as Word and Power) “becoming man” through the virgin. Both the description of this divine personage and the description of his “becoming man” are given in language that here and elsewhere in his writings arguably shows the imprint of John’s prologue.

 

For instance, Christ’s “becoming man” (ανθρωπος γεγονεν) is elsewhere specified as his “having been made flesh” (σαρκοποιηθεις), reflecting the conception and wording of John 1:14 (σαρξ εγενετο) in 1 Apology 32.10. And his “becoming man according to his [God’s will” (και τη βουλη αυτου γενομενος ανθρωπος, 1 Apol. 23.2; cf. Dial. 63.2) elsewhere reflects the christological application of John 1:13, “born not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of God” (see also 1 Apol. 21.1; 22.2; 23.2; 32.9-10; 63.2). That Justin says he learned from the Memoirs about the Logos, the only-begotten of the Father, begotten by him after a peculiar manner, “having become man through the virgin,” is as much as saying that John’s gospel was one of the Memoirs.

. . .

 

The Judgment Seat

 

The first comes in his claim that Isaiah 58:2, “They now ask of me judgment, and dare to draw near to God” (1 Apol. 35:4), was fulfilled at the time of the crucifixion of Christ. Justin says, “As the prophet spoke, they tormented him, and set him on the judgement-seat [αυτον εκαθισαν επι βηματος] and said, ‘Judge us.’” This goes back to a reading of John 19:13, the only Gospel that could be read as indicating that Jesus sat on a judgment sear (βημα) at his trial: “When Pilate hared these words, he brought Jesus out and sat down on the judgment seat [εκαθισαν επι βηματος]” (John 19:13). But instead of Pilate sitting on the βημα, Justin has understood εκαθισαν, “he sat down,” as transitive, he, meaning Pilate, “sat him [Jesus] down.” Some modern commentators have done the same. This is in fact what allows Isaiah 58:2, “They now ask of me judgment,” to be related to the events of the passion of Jesus. The same exegetical tradition, related again to the εκαθισαν of John 19:13, is known to the author of the Gospel of Peter, but as Koester says, “the Gospel of Peter cannot have been Justin’s source, because he [Justin] uses the word βημα for ‘judgment sear’, like John 19:13” (Koester, Ancient Christian Gospels, 397), whereas the Gospel of Peter has changed βημα to καθεδραν κρισεως, seat of judgment. Instead both use of the same exegetical tradition of interpreting what is evidently the report of John 19:13 as the fulfillment of Isaiah 58:2. Thus when Justin alleges that the emperor and Senate can learn of the fulfillment of Isaiah 58:2 from “the Acts which occurred under Pontius Pilate” (1 Apol. 35.9), he is certainly not referring to Matthew, Mark, or Luke, but could well be referring to John. (C. E. Hill, “Was John’s Gospel among Justin’s Apostolic Memoirs?” in ibid., 88-89, 91)

 

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