Thursday, May 15, 2025

Jennifer L. Woodruff Tait on Adam Clarke, 19th-century Methodist Eucharistic Debates, and "Pure Wine" Being a Reference to Grape Juice

  

Several prominent statements of Eucharistic doctrines helped form Methodist temperance exegesis, beginning with British Methodist Adam Clarke (1762-1832). His treatise on the Lord's Supper existed in an American edition from 1812 and was reprinted by the MEC in 1842. Clarke certainly claimed the supper was a memorial, but that was not all. He also argued that it represented a sacrifice, especially through its connection to the Jewish Passover, and should be approached in a sacrificial spirit-though he took pains to distinguish himself from Catholic theology on this subject: "Though I am far from supposing that the holy Eucharist is itself a sacrifice, which is a most gross error in the Romish Church, yet I am as fully convinced that it can never be Scripturally and effectually celebrated by any but those who consider it as representing a sacrifice, even that of the life of our blessed Lord, the only available sacrifice for sin." The word "sacrament," drawn from a Roman term for a solemn oath, emphasized the covenant nature of the undertaking. As the very term "Holy Communion" indicated, the sacrament also functioned as real communion with both Christ and with other believers.

 

Clarke attacked the doctrine of transubstantiation on the crucial grounds that it made no common sense; thus holding it signified ignorance and superstition. He defended early English Protestants on this count. Using their common sense in defiance of Catholic superstition, they were persecuted for believing "as Jesus Christ had taught them" and refusing "to prefer the ignorance of man to the wisdom and authority of God." Significantly, they had learned this true doctrine through the agency of their own sense perceptions: "They would not, because they could not believe, that a little flour and water kneaded together, and baked in the oven, were the body and blood of the Savior of the world." The change via transubstantiation of bread and wine into Christ's actual body and blood was imperceptible by the senses, and therefore impossible: "Can any man of sense believe, that when Christ took up that bread and broke it, that it was his own body which he held in his own hands, and which himself broke to pieces, and which he and his disciples eat?" He compared the elements to sculpture to point up the nonsense in this: "Would not any person, of plain common sense, see as great a difference between the man Jesus Christ, and a piece of bread, as between the block of marble and the philosopher it represented?" Thus Catholics were absurdly (and unbiblically) worshipping a physical object and putting "the signifier in the place of the thing signified." Things seen in the natural world could represent and convey God's spiritual truth, but they could not themselves become that truth. For Clarke, Christ's grace came to believers through the agency of their sense perceptions during the whole Eucharistic service. He ordered clergy to let "not only the elements, but the whole apparatus, and even the mode of administering, be such as shall meet and please all the senses, and through their medium affect and edify the soul."

 

Although he had harsh words for any Christians who believed the Eucharist was only to be "spiritually understood" and not commemorated in "rite" or "form," Clarke argued that its most important aspect was not the grace it contained but the doctrine it proved. Its persistent observation through the centuries presented physical proof of the truth of Christianity. That proof, like the action of the elements themselves, was defined in common-sense fashion. Clarke quoted British theologian and apologist Charles Leslie as to what made a "matter of fact" incontestable: that it "be such as men's sense, their eyes and ears may be judges of," that it be done publicly, and that monuments and observances of it persist through the ages. By these canons, the Eucharist served as "an incontestable proof" of Christianity's authenticity.

 

Because Clarke thought the Eucharist was a representation of spiritual truth, he desired suitable natural means for the occasion: "It is of vast importance that the symbols of this sacrifice speak, as much as possible, to the heart through the medium of the senses." Thus the bread and wine should be of the best quality, for "if man's senses be either insulted or tortured by what is recommended to him as a means of salvation, is it likely that his mind will so co-operate with the ordinance, as to derive spiritual good from it?” in Clarke’s epistemology, sense perceptions were translated into spiritual effects. Clarke did not try to exclude every drop of alcohol (he was both too British and too early). But he did believe that the “fruit of the vine” referred to by Jesus was most sensibly the fresh- pressed juice of the grape, not “that medicated and sophisticated beverage which now goes under that name.” His main concern was that the wine should be pure, not drugged or adulterated, for “in many places a vile compound, wickedly denominated wine, not the offspring of the vine, but of the alder, gooseberry, or currant- tree, and not infrequently the issue of the sweepings of a grocer’s shop, is substituted for wine in the sacrament of the lord’s supper!” The general Conference noted this concern in 1860, when it began its journey toward grape juice by recommending “pure” wine for the sacrament. (Jennifer L. Woodruff Tait, The Poisoned Chalice: Eucharistic Grape Juice and Common-Sense Realism in Victorian Methodism [Tuscaloosa, Ala.: The University of Alabama Press, 2011], 97-99)

 

 

Elsewhere, when discussing “wine” in antiquity, Adam Clarke wrote:

 

Wine, anciently the expressed juice of the grape, without fermentation, Gen. 40:11. Method adopted by the inhabitants of the East in cooling their wines, Prov. 25:13. How the ancients preserved their wine, Song 2:4. The wines of Egypt, according to Hasselquist, not the produce of its own vineyards, Isa. 5:2. Account of the mixed wine of the ancient Greeks and Romans, Isa. 1:22. Observations on the mode of the treatment of wines, Isa. 25:6. (Adam Clarke, The Holy Bible with a Commentary and Critical Notes, New Edition, 6 vols. [Bellingham, Was.: Faithlife Corporation, 2014], 4:864)

 

 

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Jesus vs. the Regulative Principle of Worship

According to The Lexham Bible Dictionary, the festival of Hanukkah is

 

The eight-day Feast of Dedication or Feast of Lights celebrating the reconsecration of the temple in Jerusalem (165 or 164 BC). Hanukkah is the only major Jewish festival that does not originate in the Hebrew Bible. It commemorates an event described outside the Bible, but outlined extensively in 1 and 2 Maccabees. (“Hanukkah,” in The Lexham Bible Dictionary, ed. John D. Barry et al. [Bellingham, Wash.: Lexham Press, 2016], Logos Bible Software edition)

 

According to Raymond E. Brown, this festival

 

was a feast celebrating the Maccabean victories. For three years, 167–164 b.c., the Syrians had profaned the Temple by erecting the idol of Baal Shamem (the oriental version of Olympian Zeus) on the altar of holocausts (1 Macc 1:54; 2 Macc 6:1–7). This pollution of the holy place by the “abominable desolation” (Dan 9:27; Matt 24:15) came to an end when Judas Maccabeus drove out the Syrians, built a new altar, and rededicated the Temple on the twenty-fifth of Chislev (1 Macc 4:41–61). The feast of Dedication was the annual celebration of the reconsecration of the altar and Temple. (Raymond E. Brown, The Gospel According to John (I-XII): Introduction, Translation, and Notes [AYB 29; New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008], 402)

 

The relevant texts from 1-2 Maccabees are 1 Maccabees 4:36-59, which

 

states that Judah Maccabee, after defeating Lysias, entered Jerusalem and purified the Temple. The altar that had been defiled was demolished and a new one was built. Judah then made new holy vessels (among them a candelabrum, an altar for incense, a table, and curtains) and set the 25th of Kislev as the date for the rededication of the Temple. The day coincided with the third anniversary of the proclamation of the restrictive edicts of Antiochus Epiphanes in which he had decreed that idolatrous sacrifices should be offered on a platform erected upon the altar. The altar was to be consecrated with the renewal of the daily sacrificial service, accompanied by song, the playing of musical instruments, the chanting of *Hallel, and the offering of sacrifices (no mention of any special festival customs is made). The celebrations lasted for eight days and Judah decreed that they be designated as days of rejoicing for future generations. Ḥanukkah, as the festival that commemorates the dedication of the altar, is also mentioned in the scholium of *Megillat Ta’anit, as well as in the traditional *Al ha-Nissim (“We thank Thee for the miracles”) prayer for Ḥanukkah.

 

In II Maccabees (1:8; 10:1-5), the main aspects of Ḥanukkah are related as in I Maccabees. The book adds, however, that the eight-day dedication ceremony was performed on an analogy with *Solomon’s consecration of the Temple (2:12). The eight days were celebrated with gladness like the Feast of Tabernacles remembering how, not long before, during the Feast of Tabernacles, they had been wandering like wild beasts in the mountains and the caves. So, bearing wands wreathed with leaves and fair boughs and palms, they offered hymns of praise (10:6-8). Ḥanukkah is, therefore, called *Tabernacles (1:9), or Tabernacles and Fire (1:18). Fire

had descended from heaven at the dedication of the altar in the days of Moses and at the sanctification of the Temple of Solomon; at the consecration of the altar in the time of *Nehemiah there was also a miracle of fire, and so in the days of Judah Maccabee (1:1836, 2:812, 14; 10:3). (Moshe David Herr, “Ḥanukkah,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica, ed. Fred Skolnik and Michael Brenbaum, 22 vols. [2d ed.; Detroit: Thompson Gale, 2007], 8:331)

 

We know that Jesus celebrated the Feast of Dedication or Hanukkah (see John 10:22-23). However, this festival is not found in the Proto-canonical books. So why is this problematic for the Reformed understanding of Sola Scriptura? According to both the Westminster Confession of Faith (21.1) and the London Baptist Confession of Faith (22.1), the "regulative principle of worship" teaches that

 

. . . the acceptable way of worshipping the true God is instituted by himself, and so limited by his own revealed will, that he may not be worshipped according to the imagination and devices of men, nor the suggestions of Satna, under any visible representation, or any other way not prescribed in the Holy Scriptures.

 

In other words, this principle states that

 

. . .the corporate worship of God is to be founded on specific directives of Scripture. Put another way, it states that nothing ought to be introduced into gathered worship unless there is a specific warrant of Scripture. (Derek W. H. Thomas, “The Regulative Principle of Worship,” Tabletalk [December 2022])

 

According to Beeke and Smalley in their Reformed Systematic Theology:

 

The axiom of Reformed worship has come to be known as the regulative principle of worship, an application of the sufficiency of Scripture. . . . The Reformed principle of worship opposes the Roman Catholic principle that the church may base its elements of worship on its authoritative traditions and magisterial decrees, even if they are not founded in the Holy Scriptures. . . . God revealed his regulation of public worship from the beginning. When Cain and Abel brought their offerings to the Lord, he made known his pleasure in Abel’s offering, which included the firstborn of his flock and their fat, but displeasure at Cain’s, which did not (Gen. 4:2-5; cf. Num. 18:17). (Joel R. Beeke and Paul M. Smalley, Reformed Systematic Theology, 4 vols. [Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway, 2024], 4:412, 413, emphasis added)

 

It is clear that Jesus did not hold to the “regulative principle of worship,” which, according to the Reformed understanding of sola scriptura, is “an application of the sufficiency of Scripture.”

 

For more against Sola Scriptura, see, for e.g.:

 

Not By Scripture Alone: A Latter-day Saint Refutation of Sola Scriptura

Wednesday, May 14, 2025

Carol Kern Stockhausen on "Image" in Genesis 1:26

While agreeing with the “dominion” interpretation, proposed by Von Rad for the meaning of “image” in Gen 1:26, Carol Kern Stockhausen argued that

 

. . . physical resemblance to God should not be excluded. Psalm 8:5 stresses the glory (εικων) of man. Ezekiel 28:11-17, usually related to the Priestly Pentateuchal narrative from which the Genesis references are drawn and to the figure of Adam to whom they refer, also stresses to an even greater degree man's beauty. The linguistic data concerning both צלם and εικων indicates that the most basic level of meaning for both terms is physical likeness or resemblance to something else. Given that it is God in whose image Adam was created, we must conclude that Adam resembled God. Since early Semitic thought did not possess the "dual anthropology" which could split man's "bodily" from his "spiritual" nature, we must allow that the presumption of the biblical story originally was that Adam resembled his creator in his whole person— his bodily form, his intellectual and spiritual being and his authority. Speculation about the image as archetype did not occur during the biblical period. Only a hint of it is present in the wisdom literature.  Such speculation blossomed in a later period, however, as we shall see. (Carol Kern Stockhausen, “Moses' Veil and the Glory of the New Covenant: The Exegetical and Theological Substructure of II Corinthians 3:1-4:6” [PhD Dissertation; Marquette University, September 1984], 306-7)

 

 

Further Reading:

 

Lynn Wilder vs. Latter-day Saint (and Biblical) Theology on Divine Embodiment

James B. Ware on the Use of Isaiah 25:8 in 1 Corinthians 15:54

  

“Death has been swallowed up in victory!” Paul quotes Isa 25:8, but the quotation does not follow the MT exactly and is very different from the LXX. But his quotation agrees word for word with Theodotion Isaiah (a Greek translation of Hebrew Isaiah by Theodotion in the late second century AD), suggesting that Paul is here using a Greek translation of Isaiah in agreement with the “proto-Theodotionic” or “Kaige-Theodotion” revision of the LXX (first century BC) first isolated by Dominique Barthélemy. (James P. Ware, The Final Triumph of God: Jesus, the Eyewitnesses, and the Resurrection of the Body in 1 Corinthians 15 [Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2025], 394)

 

 

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Theological Notes in the “Sacrae Theologiae Summa” Series

 The following is a useful resource, and it published in the opening pages of the Sacrae Theologiae Summa series. For example, I am taking this from:

 

Sacrae Theologiae Summa, 4 vols. (3d ed.; trans. Kenneth Baker; Keep the Faith, Inc., 2016), 4B:1

 

In my experience, knowing the different theological notes in Roman Catholicism is useful to judge the “weight” of a doctrine; further, in my experience, many pop-level Roman Catholic apologists are just grossly ignorant of theological notes.

 

Divine faith (de fide divina): what is contained in the word of God written or handed down. The opposite is: an error in faith (error in fide).

 

Divine and catholic faith (defide divina et catholica): what is contained in the word of God written or handed and is proposed by the Church either by a solemn judgment or by the ordinary and universal Magisterium to be believed as divinely revealed. The opposite is: heresy.

 

Defined divine and catholic faith (de fide divina et catholica definita): what is contained in the word of God written or handed down and is proposed by the Church by a solemn judgment, that is, by the infallible Magisterium, exercised in an extraordinary way, either in an ecumenical council or by the Roman Pontiff speaking “ex cathedra” and to be believed as divinely revealed. [N.B. Even the Chapter Titles in Trent and Vatican I are considered as true definitions.]

 

Proximate to faith (fidei proximo)', a truth that by an almost unanimous agreement of theologians is contained in the word of God written or handed down. The opposite

is: proximate to error or heresy.

 

Faith based on the authority of the Church (fides ecclesiastica): a truth not formally revealed, which is proposed infallibly by the Magisterium of the Church. The opposite is: error in ecclesiastical faith. [Those who do not admit there is such a thing as ecclesiastical faith give a different theological note for such a truth.]

 

Catholic doctrine (doctrina catholica): a truth that is taught in the whole Church, but not always proposed infallibly (for example, what the Roman Pontiffs wish to teach explicitly in encyclical letters). The opposite is: error in catholic doctrine.

 

Theologically certain (theologice certa): a truth that in the theological schools is certainly recognized as necessarily connected with revealed truths; this connection can be either virtual or presupposition or final. The opposite is: error in theology.

 

A doctrine to be so held that its contrary is temerarious (doctrina ita tenenda, ut con- traria sit temeraria): a truth proposed by the Roman Congregations, which proposition however does not enjoy the special approbation of the Roman Pontiff.

 

Common and certain in theology (communis et certa in theologia): what by the common agreement of theologians is taught in the schools as well founded. The opposite is: false in theology, temerarious.

 

Probable (probabilis)'. a theological opinion with a lesser grade of certainty.

 

Francis A. P. Sola, S. J. in the Sacrae Theologiae Summa on Polygamy in the Old Testament

  

224. Scholium. 1. Polygamy in the O.T. Christ the Lord in order to restore the dignity of marriage appeals to the divine decree given to Adam: Have you not read that he who made them from the beginning made them male and female, and said: For this reason a man shall leave his father and mother and be joined to his wife, and the two shall become one (Matt. 19:4f.). There it is to be noted that Christ places in the mouth of God what Gen. 2:24 places in the mouth of Adam, and therefore that the unity of marriage is a matter of positive divine precept from the beginning. Thus the holy Fathers and exegetes generally admit that monogamy flourished up until the time of the flood. This is clear from the rebuke of Lamech: “Lamech, a bloody murderer, was the first to divide the one flesh into two: the same punishment of the flood destroyed fratricide and digamy.”

 

 

But it is admitted that even after the flood polygamy was practiced. This could take place either from the positive permission of God, or from the necessity of increasing the human race, at the time so small and almost extinct; because of this, men could think that polygamy was permitted (as, for example, the daughters of Lot who committed a major crime from their good intention, thinking that besides themselves and their father there were now no more human beings after the destruction of Sodom). But afterwards, by reason of custom, it became a law.

 

Some exegetes (See V. Heylen, Tractatus de Matrimonio (1945) 307-308) see at least a hint for the permission of polygamy in Gen. 21:12, when God said to Abraham: Whatever Sarah says to you, do as she tells you. However, in this place Sarah is urging Abraham to send Ishmael away from home. But perhaps it could be supposed that God said something similar to Abraham when Sarah spoke to him about a marriage with Hagar: Behold now, the Lord has prevented me from bearing children; go in to my maid; it may be that I shall obtain children by her. And Abram hearkened to the voice of Sarah... and she took Hagar the Egyptian, her maid, and gave her to Abram her husband as a wife (Gen. 16:2-3). Actually, from the narration it seems that Abraham either had permission from God and then acquiesced to the pleas of Sarah, or polygamy was so frequent that it was not thought in any way to be evil. And if we look at Abraham’s ancestors, even after the flood, it is not certain that they were polygamous; he is presented as the first one to engage in polygamy. Since, therefore, he seems so diligent and upright in what pertains to his sons (as is clear from Gen. 21:12, where he does not want to give in to Sarah urging him to send Ishmael away; and he does not do it except when God commands him to do what Sarah says); it is very probable that Abraham would not have accepted a wife before Hagar unless he had obtained permission from God to do it. But if this dispensation of God in this place cannot be proved, certainly the silence of God in this case, especially given the promise already made to

 

Abraham, about a son of Abraham from Sarah (Gen. 15:4-6), is a sign of the divine permission concerning Abraham’s polygamy.

 

225. Whatever may be the case concerning the time or age in which God permitted polygamy in the Israelite people, this fact is certain from the words of Christ: For your hardness of heart Moses allowed you to divorce your wives (Matt. 19:8). But this dispensation because of the hardness of heart shows sufficiently that God tolerated something as a lesser evil which de facto was not opposed to the primary end of marriage, lest the Israelites, when they saw a heavy burden placed on them, abandon the true God and so embrace false gods. For this reason God allowed them to retain the customs of other peoples, which primarily and per se are not opposed to the divine and natural law or to religion. However he wanted to counsel the primary end of marriage, and, so that it might be integral, also the secondary ends; for this reason Moses laid down many laws concerning marriage and polygamy. But that the words of Christ concern directly the indissolubility of marriage does not prevent them from also being applied to its unity; for, the quoted words of God certainly apply to both of them. (Francis A. P. Sola, “On Holy Orders and Matrimony,” in Sacrae Theologiae Summa, 4 vols. [3d ed.; trans. Kenneth Baker; Keep the Faith, Inc., 2016], 4B:207-8)

 

C. Marvin Pate on γυμνος (naked), Genesis 3:7, and Paul's Teaching in 2 Corinthians 5:3-4

  

γυμνος and Gen 3:7

 

In this section, I will argue that the nakedness that Paul desires to avoid (2 Cor 5:3, 4) proceeds from his belief that Adam, originally clothed with divine glory, was divested of that covering because of his sin. In other words, Paul does not want to experience Adam’s nakedness. This belief is paralleled in the Judaism of Paul’s day and it appears to be based upon the Genesis story. The reader will remember a number of Jewish texts surrounding Paul’s day which describe Adam’s original glory in terms of a garment, “clothing” of which he was divested because of his sin 3 Bar 6:16; 2 Enoch 22:8 and 30:12; Gen R XX, 12. The idea that Adam’s sin deprived him of his glorious garment thus leading him naked is especially clear in Apoc Mos 20:1, where Adam exclaims to the serpent:

 

. . . and in that very house my eyes were opened, and I know that I was naked of the righteousness with which I had been clothed, and I wept because you have deprived me of the glory with which I was clothed.

 

This concept of sin depriving Adam of his glorious garment is a close parallel, I suggest, to Paul’s statement in 2 Cor 5:3-4. The preceding Jewish texts, and 2 Cor 5:3-4, are probably rooted in Gen 3.

 

γυμνος, an uncommon word in Paul, occurs only four times in the writings: 1 Cor 15:37; 2 Cor 11:27; Rom 8:35 and here in 2 Cor 5:3. Paul’s employment of the term outside 2 Cor 5:3 is easily defined. 2 Cor 11:27 and Rom 8:35 refer to the literal nakedness of clothing that results from personal assault and hardship while 1 Cor 15:37 refers to the naked, undeveloped seed that is planed into the ground (with reference, be it noted, to the resurrection body initiated by the Last Adam). The term in 2 Cor 5:3, however, in addition to the literal meaning, seems to convey a metaphorical nuance—Paul fears that he may be found bodiless. In a search for the background of γυμνος, the LXX appears to be the most logical source of Paul’s usage of the term, especially Gen 2:25; 3:8, 10, 12. These last texts occur in connection with the Adam/Eve material and because γυμνος is used there of primordial existence, it apparently became paradigmatic in the other thirty usages of the term in the LXX to describe the nakedness of Israel, the shameful and the helpless. It does not seem insignificant that this key word in the Genesis texts is the same term used by Paul in 2 Cor 5:3. IT is, in all probability, a key word linking 2 Cor 5:3-4 to Gen 2-3.

 

If the Adam story does indeed lie behind Paul’s term γυμνος, it would shed considerable light upon 2 Cor 5:3, 4. Although the term has sometimes been interpreted ethically (Paul fears being found naked of righteousness on the judgement day) it most probably should be interpreted anthropologically (Paul does not want to die before the parousia for then he would experience bodiless existence in the intermediate state). In other words, Paul wants to be clothed with the glorious, heavenly body in this life without having to enter the intermediate state at death, naked of that habitation. Such lack of glory is the consequence of Adam’s fall. This statement assumes, of course, that even the intermediate state belongs to the “not yet” side of Paul’s eschatology. . . . I suggest that the idea that Adam was rendered naked of the divine glory that covered his body, which is described in Gen 3:7, etc. and attested in other Jewish works previously discussed, informs Paul’s term, γυμνος. (C. Marvin Pate, Adam Christology As the Exegetical And Theological Substructure of 2 Corinthians 4:7-5:21 [Lenham, Ma.: University Press of America, Inc., 1991], 115-16)

 

Michael F. Bird on Augustine's Use of 1 Esdras in The City of God 18.36

  

Although there are dozens of citations and allusions to 1 Esdras in the Church Fathers, the most eminent Christian reading of 1 Esdras is that supplied by Augustine in De civitate Dei 18.36.

 

After these three prophets, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, during the same period of the liberation of the people from the Babylonian servitude Esdras also wrote, who is historical rather than prophetical, as is also the book called Esther, which is found to relate, for the praise of God, events not far from those times; unless, perhaps, Esdras is to be understood as prophesying of Christ in that passage where, on a question having arisen among certain young men as to what is the strongest thing, when one had said kings, another wine, the third women, who for the most part rule kings, yet that same third youth demonstrated that the truth is victorious over all [= 1 Esdras 3-4]. For by consulting the Gospel we learn that Christ is the Truth (italics added).

 

Augustine sees 1 Esd 4:35 (4:41 Vulg.) concerning Zerubbabel's climactic remark that "truth is great, and stronger than all things" (η αληθεια μεγάλη καί ίσχυροτέρα παρά πάντα, magna veritas et praevalet) a prophecy about Christ fulfilled in the Gospel. The Gospel that Augustine refers to of course is the Fourth Gospel, in particular, it appears that he has in mind John 14:6 with the Johannine Jesus' saying: "I am the way, and the truth, and the life. No one comes to the Father except through me." Augustine knows full well that 1 Esdras is a historical work and not a prophetic book and there is no question as to whether or not this was the intended point of Zerubbabel's speech in the text of 1 Esdras-it clearly was not-but Augustine is not engaging in crass allegory or rank eisegesis. Rather, Augustine is approaching the text with a canonically shaped imagination. The underlying premise is that Christian Scripture ultimately has one divine author (God) and it has one ultimate object of its testimony (Jesus Christ). Given those suppositions can one attempt to relate the Ezra-story and the Gospel-story together if one is convinced that the same God stands behind both of them and if the telos of all Scripture is the revelation of Jesus Christ. No doubt some scholars with a historical-critical bent will regard such an enterprise as full of hermeneutical make-believe. Be that as it may, Christians have read and still read 1 Esdras, not simply to excavate historical data for the post-exilic period, but also for its typological, spiritual, and devotional significance. Study of the historical context of an ancient writing will always retain its legitimacy as long as we treat texts as storehouses of ancient information and not simply as mirrors to hold up to the reader; still, the reader is part of the process by which meanings are found and created. The canonical context (of the Old and the New Testaments) and the communal location of the readers (be they Jews, Christians, or others) are themselves legitimate variables that impact the reading of ancient texts that purport to have sacred meaning. In other words, a Christian reading of 1Esdras is just as valid as a source-critical one, perhaps even more so if the enhancement of the human condition is the goal of all reading. (Michael F. Bird, 1 Esdras: Introduction and Commentary on the Greek Text in Codex Vaticanus [Septuagint Commentary Series; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2012], 29-30)

 

Tuesday, May 13, 2025

Keith A. Mathison (Presbyterian) vs. Cornelius Van Til's Presuppositional Methodology of Apologetics

  

In Exodus 3, God speaks to Moses from the burning bush and tells Moses that he is going to deliver the people of Israel from bondage and take them into the promised land (3:7-9). He then tells Moses that he is sending him to Egypt that he ‘may bring my people, the children of Israel, out of Egypt’ (3:10). Moses has a few questions, and the Lord responds to those questions, telling Moses exactly what he is to do and say (3:11-22). Then, Moses asks the question that is directly relevant to the issue of apologetic methodology. Moses expresses concern about what to do if the Israelites in Egypt do not believe he is speaking God’s Word to them (4:1). God responds by promising to give evidence that will authenticate Moses’s claim.

 

Why is this significant? It is significant because the Word that Moses is to speak to the Israelites is the Word of the self-attesting God of Scripture. Moses will be speaking God’s very Word to them. There is no standard of authority higher than God by which his Word can be verified. There is no one greater by whom God can swear (Heb. 6:13). So, what is Moses to do, he wonders, if the Israelites ask, ‘How do we know this is God’s Word? How does God respond to Moses?

 

He doesn’t instruct Moses to use anything resembling the method of presupposition or a transcendental argument. He doesn’t instruct Moses to tell the Israelites that unless they presuppose him and his word, all human predication is unintelligible and that they will be unable to know anything truly. Instead, even though there is no higher authority than God himself, God promises to provide Moses with corroborating evidence. This evidence does not give God’s Word its authority, nor does it add to its authority or conflict with its authority. It simply gives evidence to the Israelites that what Moses is saying is, in fact, God’s Word.

 

This is not the only place in Scripture where miracles or other corroborating evidence is provided to confirm that God’s Word is, in fact, God’s Word. The prophets’ word from God is corroborated by miracles (e.g., 1 Kings 17:24; cf. Deut. 18:21-22). The apostles’ word from God is corroborated by various signs (2 Cor. 12:12). Neither God nor his faithful followers ever show any hesitation about using such corroborating evidence.

 

. . .

 

The reason God provides the kind of verification he does has to do with the fact that anybody can claim to be speaking the self-attesting and authoritative Word of God. God responds to this situation by authenticating his Word with evidence that cannot be easily duplicated by just anyone. Consider Jesus’ words and actions in Matthew 9:1-8, for example:

 

And getting into a boat he crossed over and came to his own city. And behold, some people brought to him a paralytic, lying on a bed. And when Jesus saw their faith, he said to the paralytic, ‘Take heart, my son; your sins are forgiven.’ And behold, some of the scribes said to themselves, ‘This man is blaspheming.’ But Jesus, knowing their thoughts, said, ‘Why do you think evil in your hearts? For which is easier to say, “Your sins are forgiven,” or so say, “Rise and walk”? But that you may know that the Son of Man has authority on earth to forgive sins’—he then said to the paralytic—‘Rise, pick up your bed and go home.’ And he rose and went home. When the crowds saw it, they were afraid, and they glorified God, who had given such authority to men.

 

Jesus is God incarnate and therefore speaks with the very authority of God. His Word carries that ultimate authority above which there is no higher standard. But Jesus knows that it is easier to say, ‘Your sins are forgiven’ than it is to say, ‘Rise and walk.’ He knows that any lying false prophet can say the first. Jesus therefore gives evidence that his Word is, in fact, God’s Word by doing something that it is not to so easy for a false prophet to do. He does this so that they may know that his Word actually is God’s Word. The authority of God’s Word is always ‘self-attesting,’ but knowledge of who is speaking God’s Word is not always ‘self-evident’ to human beings. Corroborative evidence is given to help people to distinguish between those who are truly speaking God’s authoritative Word and those who are merely claiming to speak God’s authoritative Word. (Keith A. Mathison, Toward a Reformed Apologetics: A Critique of the Thought of Cornelius Van Til [Reformed, Exegetical and Doctrinal Studies; Ross-Shire: Mentor, 2024], 135-36, 137)

 

 

 For more against presuppositional apologetics, see:


Episode 18: Joseph Lawal (LDSPhilosophy) on the Problems with Presuppositional Apologetics






 

 

Hugo Koch, Adhuc Virgo (1929) on Ireaneus, Against Heresies 3.21.10

  

2. Das wird überraschend klingen, wie es mich selber überrascht hat, als ich diese Entdeckung machte. Betrachtet man doch allgemein den „Vater der katholischen Dogmatik“ auch als Zeugen für die beständige Jungfräulichkeit Mariens¹). In Wirklichkeit ist ihm diese fremd: auch er läßt vielmehr mit der Geburt Jesu die Jungfrauschaft seiner Mutter enden und ihre volle Ehe mit Josef beginnen.

 

Adv. haer. III 21⁴ (I 536 Stieren) schreibt er:

 

Prĭusquam convenisset Joseph cum Maria, manente igitur ea in virginitate, inventa est in utero habens de Spiritu sancto (Mt 1,18),

 

und der Sinn ist: als sie noch in der Jungfrauschaft verharrte, als sie noch Jungfrau war.
Das wird gleich nachher im selben Kapitel (III 21¹⁰, I 540 St.) bei einer bezeichnenden Gegenüberstellung deutlich ausgesprochen:

 

Et quemadmodum protoplastus ille Adam de rudi terra et de adhuc virgine (Gen 2,5) … habuit substantiam … ita recapitulans in se Adam, ipse Verbum existens ex Maria, quae adhuc erat virgo, recte accipiebat generationem Adae recapitulationis (vgl. Epid. 32, S. 24 Weber, Bibl. d. KVV).

 

In dieser Gegenüberstellung kann das adhuc bei Maria keinen andern Sinn haben als das adhuc bei der Erde, zumal wenn man bedenkt, wie genau sich bei der irenäischen „Rekapitulation“ Bild und Gegenbild entsprechen): beide Male hört also die Jungfräulichkeit nach dem erwähnten Vorgang auf).

 

Es fällt auch niemandem ein, von einem weiblichen Wesen zu sagen, sie sei zu einem bestimmten Zeitpunkt noch Jungfrau gewesen, wenn sie das immer geblieben ist, oder beispielsweise von einem Manne, er sei damals noch Junggeselle gewesen, wenn er überhaupt nie geheiratet hat, oder er sei damals noch Laie gewesen, wenn er nie in den Klerus eingetreten ist.

 

. . .

 

7. Seit der zweiten Hälfte des 4. Jahrhunderts, wo überhaupt die Theologie des Ostens und zwar näherhin die alexandrinische Theo- logie, nachhaltig auf das Abendland zu wirken begann, dringt nun auch die Anschauung von der immerwährenden Jungfrauschaft Mariens nach dem Westen und wird hier von Hieronymus und Ambrosius zum Siege geführt. Wie in ihrer Heimat, so waren jetzt aber auch hier die Triebkräfte Gefühlserwägungen und Enthaltsamkeitsbestrebungen, die in der Mutter Jesu ebenso das weibliche, wie in Jesus das männliche Vorbild für jungfräuliches Leben vor sich haben wollten, und die Schrifterklärung mußte als gehorsame Magd die verlangten Dienste leisten. Von dem so gewonnenen Ausgangspunkt aus wurde dann die ganze Ueberlieferung anders angesehen, als sie in Wirklichkeit war: wo immer man von der Maria virgo, der Mapia ŋ παρθηνος las, faßte man das im Sinne der beständigen Jungfräulichkeit. Den Irenäus verstand man nicht mehr oder wollte ihn nicht mehr verstehen; zudem geriet er seit dem Ende des 4. Jahrhunderts mehr

und mehr in Verborgenheit und Vergessenheit.

 

So erklärt es sich wohl auch, daß Helvidius zwar den Viktorin von Pettau, aber nicht den Irenäus für seine Anschauung ins Feld führte. Ist es doch sogar bei Hieronymus trotz de vir. illustr. c. 35 und seinen sonstigen Hinweisen auf Irenäus sehr zweifelhaft, ob er von ihm auch nur die fünf Bücher adversus haereses selber in der Hand gehabt habe). Hat er sie wirklich nicht selber gelesen, so ist das immer noch die beste Entschuldigung für die Art und Weise, wie er den Bischof von Lyon in unserer Frage mißbraucht hat. So blieb nur noch der allzudeutliche Tertullian übrig und ihn schickte derselbe Hieronymus mit gewohnter Hemmungslosigkeit als montanistischen Bock in die Wüste. Hieronymus ist es also gewesen, der die ganze Ueberlieferung über Mariens Jungfrauschaft und Ehe verwirrt und auf den Kopf gestellt hat. (Hugo Koch, Adhuc Virgo [Beiträge Zur Historischen Theologie 2; Tübingen, 1929], 8-9, 43-44)

 

 

English translation of the above:

 

 

2. This will sound surprising—just as it surprised me when I made this discovery. After all, one commonly cites the “father of Catholic dogmatics” as a witness to Mary’s perpetual virginity). In reality, however, this notion is foreign to him: he rather allows that with the birth of Jesus his mother’s virginity comes to an end and her full marriage to Joseph begins.

 

In Adversus Haereses III 21⁴ (Stieren vol. I, p. 536) he writes:

 

Prĭusquam convenisset Joseph cum Maria, manente igitur ea in virginitate, inventa est in utero habens de Spiritu sancto (Mt 1,18),

 

and the sense is: “while she still remained in virginity, while she was still a virgin.”
Immediately afterwards, in the same chapter (III 21¹⁰, Stieren I, p. 540), this is explicitly phrased in a telling juxtaposition:

 

Et quemadmodum protoplastus ille Adam de rudi terra et de adhuc virgine (Gen 2,5) “… habuit substantiam … ita recapitulans in se Adam, ipse Verbum existens ex Maria, quae adhuc erat virgo, recte accipiebat generationem Adae recapitulationis” (cf. Epid. 32, p. 24 Weber, Bibl. d. KVV).

 

In this comparison the adhuc in Mary can have no other sense than the adhuc in the case of the earth—especially when one considers how precisely, in the Irenaean “recapitulation,” image and counter‑image correspond¹): in both instances, then, virginity ceases after the event just mentioned).

 

Nor does it ever occur to anyone to say of a female being that she was still a virgin at a certain point in time if she has always remained so, or, for example, of a man that he was then still a bachelor if he never married at all, or that he was then still a layman if he never entered the clergy.

 

. . .

 

Since the second half of the fourth century—when, for the first time, Eastern theology in general, and more specifically Alexandrian theology, began to exert a lasting influence on the West—the notion of Mary’s perpetual virginity also made its way westward and was brought to triumph there by Jerome and Ambrose. As in its region of origin, so here again the motivating forces were considerations of piety and commitments to chastity, which wished to see in the mother of Jesus the female model for a virginal life just as in Jesus the male model; and biblical interpretation, like a dutiful handmaid, had to render the services demanded of it. From this newly won vantage point the entire tradition was then regarded quite differently from what it had actually been: wherever one encountered Maria virgo or Maria ἡ παρθένος, it was understood as teaching perpetual virginity. Irenaeus was no longer understood—or perhaps no longer wished to be understood; moreover, from the end of the fourth century onward he sank ever more into obscurity and forgetfulness.

 

This also helps explain why Helvidius appealed to Victorinus of Pettau for his argument but not to Irenaeus. Indeed, even in Jerome—despite his De viris illustribus, chapter 35, and his other references to Irenaeus—it remains very doubtful whether he ever had the five books of the Adversus Haereses in his own hands. If he truly never read them himself, that at least offers the best excuse for the way he misused the Bishop of Lyon in our controversy. Thus only the all too explicit Tertullian was left, and Jerome, with his customary lack of restraint, dispatched him as a Montanist “goat” into the wilderness. It was therefore Jerome who threw the entire tradition concerning Mary’s virginity and her marriage into confusion and turned it upside down.

 

 

To be fair, one should not read this as explicit proof that Irenaeus did not hold to Mary’s virginity post-partum. As one review of Koch’s book noted,

 

with regard to Irenaeus it must be observed that—even if Koch’s interpretation were entirely correct, namely that the twiceoccurring adhuc virgo in Irenaeus limits her Untouchedness to a particular period, and that his phrase praedestinatus vir Joseph designates Joseph as her subsequent lawful husband—this would at most hint at a possible later fully conjugal relationship between Mary and Joseph, but by no means attest to an actual consummation of marriage. Irenaeus had no theological interest in producing such an explicit testimony; the real consummation of marriage was in no sense central to his thought, but lay, at best, on its periphery. At the center stands the Incarnation alone—the declaration of the nova generatio which had taken place in the Virgin Mary mire et inopinate. As Koch himself points out, “all these statements serve not a mariological but a christological and soteriological purpose” (p. 88). (English translation of K. Adam, “Theologische Bemerkungen zu Hugo Kochs Schrift, ‘Virgo Eva—Virgo Maria,’ ” Theologische Quartalschrift Tübingen 119 [1938]: 174)

 

 

James B. Ware on "Flesh and Blood" (σαρξ και αιμα) vs. "Flesh and Bone" (σαρξ και οστεα)

  

The force of the idiom σαρξ και αιμα “flesh and blood” is further clarified by its contrast its antiquity with the expression σαρξ και οστεα “flesh and bones.” We find σαρξ και οστεα and related expressions in both Jewish and Hellenistic contexts, used with reference to the physical, bodily aspect of human beings (Luke 24:39; Job 2:5 LXX; Homer, Od. 11.219; Aristotle, Cael. 278a33; 300b29; Metaph. 1034a6-7) or to whole human beings in their physical bodily aspect (LXX Gen 2:23; 29:14; Judg 9:2; 2 Kgdms 5:1; 19:13-14; 1 Chr 11:1; cf. Ezek 37:1-14). Within the Jewish context and the Bible, this idiom is always used positively, never negatively (e.g., Judg 9:2 LXX; 2 Kgdms 5:1 LXX). For example, the risen Jesus as to the disciples in Luke’s Gospel, “Touch me and see, because a spirit does not have flesh and bones [σαρξ και οστεα] as you see that I have” (Luke 24:39). By contrast, the expression σαρξ και αιμα, as we have seen, always bears a negative connotation of lack or deficiency, denoting human beings in their liability to corruption and decay in contrast with God and his heavenly hosts. It is highly significant, then, that Paul in 1 Cor 15:50 chooses the term “flesh and blood” and not the term “flesh and bones.” For In Paul’s Jewish context, “flesh and bones” is a positive term that denotes human beings in their physicality; “flesh and blood” is a negative expression that denotes human beings in their mortality. In light of the usage of σαρξ και αιμα in antiquity, the plight or deficiency envisioned by this term is emphatically not humanity’s embodiment in flesh but the fleshly body’s bondage to corruption. (James P. Ware, The Final Triumph of God: Jesus, the Eyewitnesses, and the Resurrection of the Body in 1 Corinthians 15 [Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2025], 376-77, italics in original)

 

 

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Stephen Finlan on Job 19:25

  

Suriano stays close to a literal reading, asserting that what is at stake is an honorable versus a dishonorable death. “It is Job’s kinsman-redeemer, through the performance of his duties, who will act against this threat and effectively preserve Job’s name.” But I think Suriano is underestimating the metaphorical force of this passage. If postmortem honor is all that is at stake, it is hard to account for the live encounter embraced in the saying “I shall see God” (19:26). The literal referent is clearly a kinsman-redeemer, and he may indeed be, as Suriano insists, functioning in the role of preserving the memory of the deceased Job, but the author uses this metaphorically. It is God who will preserve Job himself, and not just his memory. Job will be alive to see God, stated in v. 26 and repeated in v. 28 (“whom I shall see on my side, and my eyes shall behold, and not another”). It is an afterlife vision, in contrast to the gloomy half-awake sleep of Mesopotamian imagining. Job envisions a fully awake state where he is able to see God.

 

. . .

 

But I think the metaphor of God as Goel works perfectly well. Further, God as Gole is an image that occurs numerous times in the Bible, being a main theme of Second Isaiah (Pss 19:14; 78:35; Prov 23:11; Isa 41:14; 43:14; 48:17; 49:7; 54:5). Job 19:25 is a dramatic high point in the tale, and expresses one of Job’s momentary assertions of faith. However, Job is unable to remain at the height where he makes the affirmation. It is a flash of faith that quickly fades. “The flashes are always followed by the most profound darkness. The old patriarchal conception returns and presses upon him with its whole weight.” (Stephen Finlan, The Drama of Job: Burning Questions and Incomplete Answers [Eugene, Oreg.: Cascade Books, 2025], 29, 30)

 

Monday, May 12, 2025

William O. Walker on Romans 16:25-27 as an Interpolation

  

The authenticity of the doxology normally labeled Rom. 16:25–27 has long been questioned, and it is now widely regarded as a non-Pauline interpolation. Walter Schmithals has argued that the doxology was originally intended as the ending not just of Romans but of an early collection of Paul’s letters, but cogent arguments against this view have been presented by Harry Gamble, Jr. Other scholars have maintained that the doxology originated as the conclusion of a 14-chapter version of Romans, perhaps in Marcionite circles. While rejecting a Marcionite origin, Gamble agrees that the doxology first stood at the end of a shortened, 14-chapter version of the letter and was subsequently moved variously to the end of ch. 15 and the end of ch. 16. Larry W. Hurtado, however, has examined Gamble’s arguments and concluded that they are ‘very weak and inconclusive’. In Hurtado’s view, the doxology may well have originated to conclude Romans 16 and subsequently been adopted as the ending for a shortened, 14-chapter version of Romans.

Gamble cites three arguments for regarding the doxology as a non-Pauline interpolation: (1) ‘in terms of style, the conclusion of a letter with a doxology stands in clear contrast to Paul’s habit of concluding with the grace-benediction’; (2) ‘the terminological and conceptual affinities of the doxology lie mainly with the deutero-Pauline letters (Ephesians, the Pastorals)’; and (3) ‘textual observations demonstrate that the doxology was originally appended to the fourteen-chapter text of Romans’, which cannot have originated with Paul. Thus, in his view, the evidence for interpolation is primarily text-critical, contextual, linguistic, ideational and comparative in nature.

 

a. Text-Critical Evidence for Interpolation

 

Brendan Byrne notes that the ‘textual credentials’ of the material commonly labeled Rom. 16:25–27 are ‘uncertain;’ somewhat more categorically, J.K. Elliott asserts that ‘the conclusion to the epistle to the Romans is a major problem in textual criticism’. First, it is to be noted that the verses are missing altogether in some witnesses. According to Origen, they did not appear in the text used by Marcion (second century), and a text without the doxology is implied by Priscillian (fourth century) and attested by Jerome (fourth/fifth centuries); in addition, the verses are missing in the ninth-century bilingual uncial manuscripts F (Codex Augiensis) and G (Codex Boernerianus), the fourteenth-century minuscule 629, and the ninth-century Latin Manuscript g. Further, the doxology appears not to have been present in the exemplar from which the sixth-century uncial D (Codex Claromontanus) was copied, and Gamble argues cogently that it was originally absent from the Old Latin text as a whole. The text-critical principle of ‘transcriptional probability’—what a scribe is most likely to have done—suggests that, on the face of it, the addition of such a doxology would be more likely than its deletion. Thus, the absence of these verses from some of the witnesses suggests that they may be a later addition to the text of Paul’s Roman letter.

 

Second, although the doxology does appear in the vast majority of the witnesses, it is variously located, appearing after ch. 15 in the oldest surviving manuscript (the late-second or early-third century P46), after ch. 16 in most of the ‘best’ witnesses, after ch. 14 in a large number of witnesses, after both ch. 14 and ch. 16 in a few witnesses including the fifth-century Codex Alexandrinus (A), and after both ch. 14 and ch. 15 in one fourteenth-century manuscript (1506). Such variation indicates great uncertainty in the early Church regarding the appropriate location of the passage. Together with the omission of the verses by some witnesses, this further strengthens the case for viewing the passage as a later addition. Moreover, if the doxology originated as the conclusion for a shortened, 14-chapter version of Romans, as Gamble and others believe, it is unlikely to be Pauline.

 

Finally, two interesting textual variants in the doxology suggest that it may, in its original form, have been regarded by some as an inappropriate conclusion to Paul’s Roman letter and therefore modified. The first of these variants is the addition in v. 26 of καὶ τῆς ἐπιφανείας τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (‘and the appearance of our Lord Jesus Christ’) after διά τε γραφῶν προγητικῶν (‘through prophetic writings’)—an apparent attempt further to ‘Christianize’ the doxology by specifying that the μυστήριον (‘mystery’) had been ‘manifested’ (φανερωθέντος) not only through ‘prophetic writings’ but pre-eminently through ‘the appearance of our Lord Jesus Christ’. The second textual variant is either the omission of or the substitution of αὐτῷ in v. 27. As William Sanday and Arthur C. Headlam note, ‘both [of] these look very much like corrections’, perhaps intended to make clear that the ascription of praise was directed toward ‘the only wise God’, not toward ‘Jesus Christ’.

 

All of this—the omission of the doxology in some witnesses, its placement at various locations in others and the textual variants within it—suggest that the verses may well be a later addition to Paul’s Roman letter.

 

b. Contextual Evidence for Interpolation

 

As already indicated, the doxology normally labeled Rom. 16:25–27 is variously located in the early witnesses: at the end of ch. 14, at the end of ch. 15, at the end of ch. 16, at the end of both ch. 14 and ch. 16 and at the end of both ch. 15 and ch. 16. In view of evidence for the early existence of a 14-chapter version, a 15-chapter version, and a 16-chapter version of Romans, it appears that the doxology, in whichever location, was originally intended as the conclusion of Paul’s letter to the Romans. Ending a letter with a doxology, however, is not otherwise a feature of the Pauline corpus. To be sure, doxologies do appear elsewhere in the authentically Pauline letters, as they do in other early Christian writings,26 but they never come at the end of a Pauline letter. Indeed, every other letter in the Pauline corpus (including Hebrews) concludes not with a doxology but rather with a benediction. It is perhaps for this reason that a few ancient witnesses add a benediction— χάρις τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ μετὰ πάντων ὑμῶν. ἀμήν (‘the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ [be] with all of you. Amen’)—after v. 27. Doxologies do appear, however, at the conclusion of some post-Pauline Christian letters. Thus, the location of the doxology at the end of Paul’s letter to the Romans constitutes an argument for interpolation.

 

It is also significant that, while the other doxologies in the authentically Pauline letters appear to grow out of and reflect the immediately preceding material in the letter, Rom. 16:25–27 represents a ‘self-contained’ body of material that bears little relation to its immediate context; in this respect, it is more closely akin to post-Pauline and particularly pseudo-Pauline doxologies. Thus, both the location of Rom. 16:25–27 at the very end of the letter and its apparent independence from the immediately preceding material raise questions regarding its authenticity.

 

c. Linguistic Evidence for Interpolation

 

Linguistic evidence for viewing Rom. 16:25–27 as a non-Pauline interpolation involves matters of both style and vocabulary. As regards style, none of the other three doxologies in the authentically Pauline letters even approaches the length or syntactical complexity of Rom. 16:25–27. Two of the others are virtually identical: Rom. 11:36b (αὐτῳ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας, ἀμήν) and Gal. 1:5 ( δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων, ἀμήν), and the third, Phil. 4:20 (τῷ δὲ Θεῷ καὶ πατρὶ ἡμῶν δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων, ἀμήν), is only slightly longer. While Rom. 16:25–27 contains 53 words, Rom. 11:36b has only seven words, Gal. 1:5 only nine, and Phil. 4:20 only 14. In the pseudo-Pauline writings, however, the doxologies are longer, in one case coming rather close to the length of Rom. 16:25–27. Moreover, as J.K. Elliott notes, the syntax of Rom. 16:25–27 is much more complicated than that of the three undoubtedly Pauline doxologies: ‘Three prepositional phrases depend on the infinitive στηρίξαι; three participles in apposition qualify μυστηρίου; two prepositional phrases illuminate φανερωθέντος’; moreover, there are ‘three indirect objects including one relative’ and ‘one dative of time’, ‘διά appears twice, κατά three times and εἰς three times’; finally, ‘no finite verb is expressed’. According to Elliott, ‘this suggests a well-rehearsed and liturgically inspired composition’. Thus, quite apart from its content, the literary style of Rom. 16:25–27 calls attention to itself as not typically Pauline.

 

In addition, although some of the vocabulary of the doxology is typically Pauline, much of it is not. Following a detailed word-by-word analysis of the language of the passage, Elliott summarizes his findings as follows:

 

Three phrases in particular brand the doxology as non-Pauline. These are χρόνοις αἰωνίοις, γραφῶν προφητικῶν and κατʼ ἐπιταγὴν τοῦ αἰωνίου Θεοῦ. Τὸ κήρυγμα Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ and σοφῳ Θεῷ are unique expressions in the New Testament. Κήρυγμα and ἐπιταγή seem to bear a more general meaning than is found elsewhere in the New Testament and this possibly indicates a later date when these terms had become less specific. Τῷ δυναμένῳ and στηρίξαι belong to the language of doxologies although the parallels to Paul’s writings are not precise. Κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν μυστηρίου is an expression with differences from the authentic Pauline letters. Σεσιγμένου has a different usage from the rest of Paul’s epistles.

 

Elliott concludes that, ‘although some of the vocabulary closely parallels Paul’s own writings, the doxology is unlikely to be from his pen’. In his view, there is simply ‘too high a percentage of unusual or unique expressions’ in the scope of ‘the fifty odd words of the doxology’.

 

d. Ideational Evidence for Interpolation

 

The most significant ideational argument for viewing Rom. 16:25–27 as a non-Pauline interpolation is its reference to the ‘revelation of [the] mystery that had been kept silent for eternal ages but was now made manifest’ (ἀποκάλυψιν μυστηρίου χρόνοις αἰωνίοις σεσιγημένου φανερωθέντος δὲ νῦν). To be sure, there are references elsewhere in the authentically Pauline letters to ‘mystery’ (μυστήριον), either in the singular or in the plural, and Paul’s message, the ‘gospel’, is perhaps labeled a ‘mystery’. Elsewhere in the authentically Pauline letters, however, it is only in 1 Cor. 2:6–16 that such a ‘hidden but now revealed’ schema appears, and I have argued in Chapter 6 that this passage is a non-Pauline interpolation. Otherwise, this ‘revelation schema’ appears only in pseudo-Pauline or other post-Pauline texts.

 

e. Comparative Evidence for Interpolation

 

It has already been noted that, apart from Romans, the authentically Pauline letters never end with a doxology but post-Pauline letters sometimes do. Further, as has been noted, post-Pauline doxologies, like that at the end of Romans, tend to be longer and more complex in their syntactical structure than the authentically Pauline doxologies. In addition, some of the vocabulary of Rom. 16:25–27 is more typical of post-Pauline doxologies than of the authentically Pauline ones. Included here are the phrase τῷ δὲ δυναμένῳ (‘to the one being able’), στηρίξαι (‘to strengthen’) and μόνος (‘only’) as a quality of God. Finally, as noted above, the ‘hidden-but-now-revealed mystery’ notion is characteristic of the post-Pauline and particularly pseudo-Pauline writings but not of the authentically Pauline letters. All of this suggests that the Rom. 16:25–27 was both composed and added to Paul’s Roman letter by someone other (and later) than Paul.

 

f. Situational, Motivational and Locational Evidence for Interpolation

 

Any discussion of situational, motivational and locational evidence for interpolation in the case of Rom. 16:25–27 is, of course, complicated by the fact that these verses appear at various locations in Paul’s letter to the Romans. Whether the doxology originated as the conclusion of a 14-chapter, a 15-chapter or a 16-chapter version of Romans, however, the situation, motivation and location would appear obvious. Without the doxology, a 14-chapter version would end quite abruptly and uncharacteristically with Paul’s discussion of eating (ch. 14); in short, some sort of ending would be required. Similarly, without the doxology, a 16-chapter version would end somewhat abruptly and uncharacteristically with greetings but nothing else. The situation is somewhat different for a 15-chapter version, because ch. 15 does end with a short benediction, ‘The God of peace be with you all. Amen’. Even this, however, is not a typical ending for a Pauline letter, all of which, except that in Galatians, include not only a benediction but also some type of greeting. Thus, like the 14-chapter and 16-chapter versions, a 15-chapter version of Romans would appear to require something more at the end.

 

g. Conclusion

 

On the basis primarily of text-critical, contextual, linguistic, ideational and comparative evidence, most scholars have concluded—correctly, in my judgment—that the doxology normally labeled Rom. 16:25–27 is a non-Pauline interpolation. (William O. Walker, Interpolations in the Pauline Letters [Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series 213; London: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001], 190–199)

 

 

Ibn Ezra (12th century) on Daniel 7:14

  

וטעם וקרנין עשר - שפשטה מלכות ישמעאל ברוב הישוב ואלה הם הקרנות מלכות בראסן ומלכות אצפהן ומלכות אלימן היא שבא, ומלכות מיכא היא מישא לדעת הגאון רב סעדיה. ומלכות מצרים ומלכות אפריקי ומלכות ישמעאל השוכנים באהלים במזרח ובמערב ומלכות פלשתים הם אלמראבטון, ומלכות אלברבר והם מבני חם והם לבנים, ומלכות הכושים והם מלכים רבים, וכל אלה תורה אחת להם ודבר הקרן הקטנה עודנו עתיד, כי זה יהיה קרוב מביאת הגואל כאשר אפרש וזאת הקרן עם יצא ממזרח שישוב לתורת אלה הקרנות והשחית ג' מלכיות וזה המלך יהיה חכם ומדבר גדולות, אז יושלכו כסאות כל מלכי עכו"ם וזה יהיה בעמוד מיכאל שר הגדול כאשר יפרש והוא עתיק יומין, והיה רואה אותו במראות הנבואה שהיה זקן. (Ibn Ezra on Daniel 7:14)

 

 

“And the meaning of ‘and ten horns’: that the dominion of Ishmael spread over the greater part of the settled lands. And these are the ten horns—

 

The kingdom of Râsān

 

The kingdom of ʿAṣfān

 

The kingdom of Elīman (that is, Sheba)

 

The kingdom of Mîqā (that is, Mishā), according to the explanation of the honoured Gaon Sa‘adya

 

The kingdom of Egypt

 

The kingdom of Ifriqiyā (i.e. North Africa)

 

The kingdom of Ishmael, whose people dwell in tents in the East and in the West

 

The kingdom of the Philistines, called Almaraḇṭūn

 

The kingdom of the Berbers (the sons of Ham), who are white

 

The kingdom of the Cushites, who have many kings

 

And all of these share one law; but the little horn is still to come, for it will arise near the time of the coming of the Redeemer—as I shall explain. And this little horn comes from those who go forth from the East, and he will return to the ways of those other horns, and overthrow three kingdoms. And that king shall be wise and speak great things; then the thrones of all the pagan rulers shall be cast down. And this shall occur at the time of Michael the great prince—‘the Ancient of Days,’ as I shall show—‘and I will tell the things that are noted in the book’ (Daniel 10:21). And he shall see him in the visions of prophecy, as has already been explained.”

 

 

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