Saturday, August 4, 2018

Some Notes on Peter from David O. McKay, Ancient Apostles

The following quotes are from:

David O. McKay, Ancient Apostles (Salt Lake City: Deseret Sunday School Union Board, 1969)

Simon is Called “Cephas”

And he brought him to Jesus, and when Jesus beheld him, he said, “thou art Simon the son of Jona: thou shalt be called Cephas, which is by interpretation, a stone” (or the Rock).

In those days the Jews spoke the Hebrew language; but the new Testament was written in the Greek language. Now, in Hebrew “Cephas” means “rock”; but in Greek the words for “rock” is “petras,” or “Peter.” So from that time, Simon was known as Simon Peter, or “Simon, the Rock. (p. 9)

Genuine Faith

When Jesus called Simon “Peter” or “The Rock,” he undoubtedly expressed in that name one characteristic which he desired to see in the faith of his disciples, and particularly in each of his apostles. He desired them to possess a faith that was unwavering,--a faith that would make them steadfast in the truth regardless of miracles or the acts of men—a faith that would trust the Lord at all times and under all circumstances, let those times and circumstances be what they may. (p. 21)

“I say unto thee,” continued Jesus, “that thou art Peter and upon this rock will I build my church; and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.”

Christ’s Church Built Upon Revelation

By that he meant that as Simon’s name “Peter” means rock, so this testimony that comes by revelation shall be the rock upon which Christ’s Church shall be built. Because when one receives such divine assurance in his soul that the gospel is true, no views of men, nor waves of temptation nor “the power of hell” can deprive him of it. You remember when Jesus first met Simon, he said he should be called “the Rock.” Ever since then it would seem that Jesus has been waiting for the time when Peter’s testimony would be like his character—expressive and firm. That time has come; and Peter is now prepared to receive a greater responsibility.

Keys of the Kingdom

“And I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven.”

One key was to open the door of the gospel to the Gentiles, but it took quite a while before Peter knew how to use it.

It is one thing to know that the gospel is true; it is quite another thing to comprehend its purpose and significance. (p. 27)



Friday, August 3, 2018

John D.W. Watts on Isaiah 51:15-16



But I am the Lord thy God, that divided the sea, whose waves roared. The Lord of hosts is his name. And I have put my words in thy mouth, and I have covered thee in the shadow of mine hand, that I may plant the heavens, and lay the foundations of the earth, and say unto Zion, Thou art my people. (Isa 51:15-16)

Commenting on these verses, John Watts wrote:

Yahweh introduces himself again, but this time in terms of his control of the raging sea. He addresses the one he is using, putting his words in his mouth and protecting him very carefully. The purpose of this care is to allow him to plant heavens and earth. That makes no sense if it refers to the original creation. A similar phrase in the Vision has become a standard way of describing Yahweh’s work in creation. It uses נטה “to stretch out” while here the verb נטע “plant.” In the other instances God acts alone, using no agent. Here the one he has hidden in the shadow of his hand is his agent. Heavens and land here must refer metaphorically to the totality of order in Palestine, heavens meaning the broader overarching structure of the Empire, while land (ארץ) is the political order in Palestine itself. The assignment is then focused more precisely: to say to Zion: you are my people. The two pronouns are challenges for the interpreter. Does my refer to God or to the speaker? Throughout this larger section God’s work and that of Darius seem fused together. It is often difficult to separate the two, as will be seen in the following verses. Because God has chosen Darius and uses him, loyalty to Darius is viewed as equivalent to loyalty to God. To be Yahweh’s obedient people is to be Persia’s loyal people too. Zion is usually referred to with a feminine pronoun. Here it is masculine, apparently because it refers to the people of the city rather than to the city itself. This last clause defines Darius’s main task which had so far (49:6, 8) been less precise than it had been for Cyrus (44:28b; 45:13b-c). (John D.W. Watts, Isaiah 34-66 [Word Biblical Commentary 25; Waco, Tex.: Word Books, 1987], 212-13, italics in original)



John D.W. Watts on Yahweh vs. Idols in Isaiah 44-46

In his commentary on chs. 34-66 of the book of Isaiah, John D.W. Watts offers some comments showing that Isaiah was subverting the theology of the idols of the peoples around him. Note the following comments on these selected passages:

. . .  I am the first and I am the last; and beside me there is no God. (Isa 44:6b)

This verse with its counterpart in v 8d states the essential core of Israelite faith. Israel had to listen and assent to this in order to enter into covenant with Yahweh (Exod 20:2-4 and Deut 6). So now she must affirm that Yahweh alone is God; he is unique. There is nothing and no one with which to compare him (see C.J. Labuschange, The Incomparability of Yahweh in the Old Testament [Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1966]). This singularity applies to all time, first and last. Idol cults rose and fell, as that period of Babylonian history showed. But Yahweh stands above and beyond the cyclical waves of popular acclaim. (John D.W. Watts, Isaiah 34-66 [Word Biblical Commentary 25; Waco, Tex.: Word Books, 1987], 145)

Thus saith the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him; and I will loose the loins of kings, to open before him the two leaved gates; and the gates shall not be shut. (Isa 45:1)

Traditionally, the ruler of Babylon took the hand of Bel in the New Year’s festival. Assyrian rulers coveted this affirmation of their authority. Here Yahweh claims that he has seized Cyrus by the hand (42:6) and strengthened his hold on his realm. He had provided the might necessary for his conquest of Media, of Lydia, and now of Babylon and had weakened the authority of his adversaries so that they opened the doors for him as in Armenia. (Ibid., 156)

Bel boweth down, Nebo stoopeth, their idols were upon the beasts, and upon the cattle: your carriages were heavy loaden; they are a burden to the weary beast. They stoop, they bow down together; they could not deliver the burden, but themselves are gone into captivity. (Isa 46:1-2)


Bel and Nebo are the old traditional gods of Babylon, even older than Marduk. They are also idols in nearby temples. The sight of the awesome idols in a horizontal position, being transported just like the other refugees from one place to another to avoid the approaching invader, elicits this thoughtful comment. (Ibid., 166)

The Book of Mormon's Knowledge of Gentile Inclusion in the New Covenant: Does it Contradict the Bible?

In an article written by Sandra Tanner, "Bible and Book of Mormon Contradictions," we read the following purported "contradiction" between the two volumes:

The Bible plainly states that the gospel, with its inclusion of Gentiles, was not fully revealed until after Christ's death.

1.    Eph. 3:3-7 Paul writes "by revelation he made known unto me the mystery; (as I wrote afore in few words, whereby, when ye read, ye may understand my knowledge in the mystery of Christ) which in other ages was not made known unto the sons of men as it is now revealed unto his holy apostles and prophets by the Spirit; that the Gentiles should be fellowheirs, and of the same body, and partakers of his promise in Christ by the gospel: whereof I was made a minister ...... (See also Col. 1:26; 1 Peter 1: 1-12; Romans 16:25-26)

However, the Book of Mormon maintains that this knowledge was had in 545 B.C.
2 Nephi 25:19 "For according to the words of the prophets, the Messiah cometh... his name shall be Jesus Christ, the Son of God. ... (v.23) For we labor... to persuade... our brethren, to believe in Christ, and to be reconciled to God; for we know that it is by grace that we are saved, after all we can do.
2 Nephi 26:12 "And as I spake concerning the convincing of the Jews, that Jesus in the very Christ, it must needs be that the Gentiles be convinced also that Jesus is the Christ, the Eternal God;"
2 Nephi 30:2 "For behold, I say unto you that as many of the Gentiles as will repent are the covenant people of the Lord; and as many of the Jews as will not repent shall be cast off,"
2 Nephi 31:17 "For the gate by which ye should enter is repentance and baptism by water; and then cometh a remission of your sins by fire and the Holy Ghost."

This is nothing short of eisegesis.

The mystery (μυστήριον, an ordinance/covenant whereby Jews and Gentiles are promised that if they are faithful they will be heirs along with Christ) is not synonymous with the Gospel (the good news about Christ). Knowledge about Christ nor that the Gentiles would receive the covenant was not new with Paul (James quotes an OT prophecy that the Gentiles would come around in Acts 15 [Amos 9:11]). The new part of Paul's revelation appears to be a change in how Gentiles were to receive the covenant. Prior to Christ (and Peter and Paul) they had to be adopted into the covenant which included following Law of Moses principles like circumcisions. Christ fulfilled that Law and introduced or restored a new set of ordinances (baptism, temple endowment).  It would be difficult for Paul to be able to know what prophets of the past knew where the scriptures he had access to were silent (missing precious parts).

That the Gentiles would be included in the (new) covenant people of God formed an important part of Old Testament theology. Apart from Amos 9:11, mentioned above, the prophet Isaiah made many explicit prophecies of such, including:

And the foreigners who join themselves to the Lord, to minister to him, to love the name of the Lord, and to be his servants, all who keep the sabbath, and do not profane it, and hold fast my covenant--these I will bring to my holy mountain, and make them joyful in my house of prayer; their burnt offerings and their sacrifices will be accepted on my altar; for my house shall be called a house of prayer for all peoples. (Isa 56:6-7 NRSV; cf. 66:18-22).

Commenting on this prophecy, one scholar wrote the following:

In the Synoptic accounts of the temple cleansing in Matthew 21:13, Mark 11:17, and Luke 19:46, Christ refers to God's house being a house of prayer. That reference to "house of prayer" occurs in Isaiah 56:6-7, where the prophet, Third Isaiah (as we commonly call him), foresaw major changes in the temple liturgy in the future, changes so major that Levitical priests would not be the only ones offering sacrifices. In Isaiah 56:6-7, God announces through the prophet that foreigners will offer burnt offerings and sacrifices in his holy mountain (where the Jerusalem temple is located) and that God will accept them on his altar. This is looking beyond priesthood confined to the tribe of Levi. It is looking forward to something major happening in the future that will involve a massive change in the temple liturgy and the Levitical priesthood. The shock in Isaiah 56:6-7 is its prediction that foreigners will come to minister in the temple, because the word used for minister/serve in 56:6, šārat (שׁרת), typically refers to liturgical service. The prophet sees Gentiles offering sacrifices in Jerusalem. This is omitted from Isaiah 56 in the Dead Sea Scrolls, perhaps because this idea was so repugnant. It is highly suggestive that as Christ cleanses the temple he quotes part of a Scripture passage referring to foreigners undertaking priestly sacrificial duties in the temple. (Thomas J. Lane, The Catholic Priesthood: Biblical Foundations [Steubenville, Ohio: Emmaus Road, 2016], 32)


 There is no true contradiction between the Bible and the Book of Mormon on this point. As usual, Sandra Tanner embarked on an exegetical fishing trip, but not only forgot to pack the fishing rods, she did not even know how to fish to begin with.

Knowledge of Christ's coming in the Book of Mormon: Are there Internal Inconsistencies in the Text?

In an attempt to discredit the Book of Mormon, Brent Metcalfe wrote the following:

In the early part of Mormon's abridged history, prophecies about the coming of Jesus say nothing about his resurrection advent in the Americas (see Mosiah 3:5ff; 7:27; 15; Alma 4:13; 5:50; 6:8; 7:7ff). Benjamin, Abinadi, both Almas—all of whom know minute details of Jesus' life—never mention that a glorified Christ will appear to the Lehites (see Mosiah 3:lff; 15:1-16:15; 18:1-35; Alma 7:7-14). Not until Alma 16:20 is this clearly stated: "Many of the people did inquire concerning the place where the Son of God should come; and they were taught that he would appear unto them after his resurrection" (emphasis added). The people's uncertainty, which Alma himself shares (7:8), implies that nothing had been taught about a promise that Christ would visit America, a promise Nephi earlier described in detail. When, for the first time in Mormon's abridgment, priests teach the Nephites "that he would appear unto them after his resurrection"—absent any reference to Nephi's prodigious vision—"the people did hear with great joy and gladness," seemingly acknowledging the newness of the idea.

Ignorance of Nephi's prophecies, especially in a record-keeper and prophet of Alma's stature, is explained by Mosian priority. Silence about Nephi's prophecies in Mosiah and Alma 1-16 reflects the fact that Joseph Smith initially portrayed Book of Mormon characters as gradually understanding whether the mortal Jesus (Alma 7:8) or the risen Christ (16:20) would appear in the Americas. Nephi's unambiguous prophecies were dictated by Smith after the events they were intended to foretell—a textbook example of vaticinium ex eventu (prophecy after the event). (Brent Lee Metcalfe, "The Priority of Mosiah: A Prelude to Book of Mormon Exegesis" in Brent Lee Metcalfe, ed. New Approaches to the Book of Mormon: Explorations in Critical Methodology [Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1993], 395-444, here, pp. 417-18)

While going through my old notes on file, I came across a response to this argument by Ben McGuire on the old ZLMB forum. As the response is excellent, I will reproduce it here:

I agree with Brent on the over-all issue of the priority of Mosiah, but not on this particular evidence. In addressing this issue, I want to bring up several substantial points raised by the narrative.

So, a little history might be in order (I am going to use the dates provided in the current LDS edition of the BoM for convenience). The beginning of the Book of Mosiah (which is where we are starting in terms of the material in question) is dated on internal grounds to around 130 BC. About 280 BC, Mosiah, father of Benjamin and grandfather of Mosiah encounters the people of Zarahemla (the Mulekites) and is made their king. Shortly into the text of Mosiah, there is entered an abridgement of the the Record of Zeniff (which comprises Mosiah 9-22 inclusive). The beginning of the Zeniff narrative is dated to around 200 BC or shortly thereafter.

Zeniff is a Nephite spy on the Lamanites. He determines that he wants to recover the land of the Nephite inheritance, and so takes a group of people and sets off to start a colony in the Lamanite area. None of those who go are keepers of the records. The small plates of Nephi presumably do not go with them. This group of Nephites comes under the control of "King Laman". Zeniff dies, and his "reign" as a vassal king to the Lamanites is passed on to his son Noah. Noah is a wicked man. His has wicked priests. Abinadi the prophet appears, and criticizes their wickedness. The (wicked) priests defend their actions through the Law of Moses. Also, Isaiah is quoted in the debates (I mention it for the purposes of establishing some notion of what texts they used). The small plates do not seem to be referenced. Abinadi specifically teaches (using the suffering servant texts of Isaiah) that Messiah - the Son of God - would come in the flesh to redeem his people. Abinadi is put to death - but not before making a significant influence on a man named Alma. In Mosiah 18:1, Alma begins to teach people "the words of Abinadi". Eventually, they are forced to leave their city (kingdom) and are captured by the Lamanites and forced into labor. Meanwhile, King Noah is succeeded by his son Limhi, After some time, an expedition from Zarahemla arrives and helps them escape the Lamanites and go to Zarahemla. Meanwhile, Alma's group eventually escapes the Lamanites and also arrives at Zarahemla. Both of these events occur around 120 BC. At this point, Alma meets Mosiah - and a religious reform begins (detailed in Mosiah 25). Alma forms a new church - and baptizes all those who are willing. They ordain priests and teachers. Then, in 91 BC, Mosiah dies, and the kingship is replaced by a system of judges. Shortly before his death, Mosiah provides the records to Alma, the son of Alma.

I provide this for a basis now for some assumptions. First, there doesn't seem to be any reason to accept that prior to 92 BC (and probably for a considerable period afterwards), there was any widespread degree of familiarity with the prophecies of Jesus Christ which Nephi records in his small plates. Certainly, without further justification, it seems a stretch to suggest that the absence of such references from Abinadi, who does not use Nephi's text in his defence of doctrine on the point of Christ (and additionally does not address the commandments of Lehi about polygamy), is evidence of a discrepancy in the text. Nor does it seem reasonable to assume that the anwer to this question was known by Alma, the priest to Noah any time before he encountered the records which Mosiah had.

I don't buy into the argument that this is a valid discrepancy. At the same time, there is an interesting discussion in Alma 45, as Alma prepares to turn over the records to his son Helaman, some 19 years after receiving them.
Quote:

But behold, I have somewhat to aprophesy unto thee; but what I prophesy unto thee ye shall not make known; yea, what I prophesy unto thee shall not be made known, even until the prophecy is fulfilled; therefore write the words which I shall say. And these are the words: Behold, I perceive that this very people, the Nephites, according to the spirit of revelation which is in me, in four hundred years from the time that Jesus Christ shall manifest himself unto them, shall dwindle in unbelief. Yea, and then shall they see wars and pestilences, yea, famines and bloodshed, even until the people of Nephi shall become extinct

A second issue here is a matter of eschatology. Nephi clearly indicates that after the visitation there would be a period of time before the destruction of his people, and then a period of time before the eschatalogical moment. But in Mosiah, and much of Alma, there is a perception that the eschatalogical moment is in fact the first appearance of the Messiah. This accounts for much of the language in 3 Nephi, where we have descriptions of earthquakes and darkness which are similar in tone and content to descriptions of the "signs of the times". The statement in Alma 45 suggests that the content of Alma's prophecy (and by extension Nephi's prophecy in 2 Nephi 26) was not widely known.

So, if the theology of the people (of the popular church) during the time period covered by Alma and Mosiah was really as influenced by Abinadi as the text suggests, it does in fact seem reasonable not only to state that there may have been some question as to how the Messiah would appear to the Nephites - and that this would be answered by an appeal to the older Nephite texts. Additionally, the passages referenced seem to be asking a more specific question than just about the appearance - the question is (at least as it relates to Mosiah 7) whether or not he would appear "at the time of his dwelling in his mortal tabernacle". In fact, it is quite reasonable to read Alma 7 as making the point that they already knew that Christ would come to visit them, but the timing of it relative to his mortal advent was unknown - "Behold, I do not say that he will come among us at the time of his dwelling in his mortal tabernacle; for behold, the Spirit hath not said unto me that this should be the case." Of course you could read it several ways depending on how exact you want "at the time of" to be. This could be read quite generally, or it could be read as meaning during his mortal ministry (which of course didn't happen), or shortly thereafter. But it is well within a normative reading of the text to suggest that this does not argue that a visitation is unknown - only the timing or the conditions of it.

To summarize, I think the argument is significantly overstated that we should be seeing references to the visitation in each of these passages in the Book of Mormon. It is seems to me that it is quite likely that the prophecies of Nephi were not widely circulated or well known - particularly if they are only found on the small plates (there is no way of course to verify this). It is also clear that the texts in Mosiah and Alma are much more dependant on the Isaiah texts than on anything we might get from Nephi. And, of course, Metcalfe's arguments on the priority of Mosiah are not hurt by challenging this point.

Ben

Matthew Roper, in his review of Metcalfe’s essay “A More Perfect Priority“ wrote the following which is also helpful:

Knowledge of Christ’s Birth Metcalfe argues that the Nephite prophets in the first translation sequence (Mosiah-3 Nephi 10) are ignorant of the earlier prophecies of Lehi and other prophets regarding the date of Christ’s birth. “Alma, Benjamin, and their audiences did not know what Lehi, Nephi, an angel, anonymous Old World prophets, and their sacred literature had known with certainty: that Jesus would be born 600 years after the Lehites departed for the Americas” (p. 416). Aside from the fact that this is largely an argument from silence, there are several reasons why I find this argument unpersuasive.

Metcalfe cites a passage from King Benjamin’s speech: “The time cometh, and is not far distant . . . [that the Lord] shall come down from heaven . . . and shall dwell in a tabernacle of clay’ (Mosiah 3:5).” Metcalfe finds this comment “surprising since the scriptures Benjamin possessed presumably told him this would not occur for over 120 years” (p. 416). He assumes that if Benjamin had prophetic knowledge of the time of Christ’s birth he should have mentioned this fact in his speech. But why should he? We have only five chapters of Benjamin’s words, anyway. This is a very poor sample from which to determine the extent of Benjamin’s scriptural knowledge. Metcalfe continues, “Alma speaks of Jesus’ advent in similar terms: “the kingdom of heaven is soon at hand’ (Alma 5:28, 50; [a. 83 B.C.]); “the time is not far distant’ (7:7); “not many days hence’ (9:26; [a. 82 B.C.]); and “the day of salvation draweth nigh’ (13:21). . . . Mormon also shares this ambiguity, describing Alma’s contemporaries as “[h]olding forth things which must shortly come’ (16:19 [speaking of a period a. 78 B.C.])” (p. 416 n.25). While Metcalfe argues that these terms are inappropriate for the periods in question, each of them seems perfectly reasonable given the context in which they appear in the Book of Mormon narrative. Eighty-three years, 78 years and even 124 years are a relatively short period of time from the perspective of prophecy. For example, in the New Testament, Jesus tells John, “Behold, I come quickly” (Revelation 22:12), and the Revelator introduces his vision with the statement that it contains things “which must shortly come to pass” (Revelation 1:1); “which must be hereafter” (Revelation 4:1), whose “time is at hand” (Revelation 1:3). Similar passages in the Book of Mormon are equally ambiguous and simply do not require the narrow interpretation upon which Metcalfe seems to insist. How soon is “soon”? How distant is “not far distant” from the perspective of prophecy? Book of Mormon prophets use the word “soon” in a variety of ways. “Soon” can mean “days” (Alma 57:8), or about three years (Mosiah 1:9), but it can also be used to denote longer periods of time (Jacob 5:29, 37, 71). Alma considers an eschatological day of judgment to be “soon at hand” (Alma 5:28). Likewise, Zenos prophesies allegorically that “the time [of judgment] draweth near” (Jacob 5:29), “the end draweth nigh” (Jacob 5:47, 62), “nigh at hand” (Jacob 5:71), and “the season speedily cometh” (Jacob 5:71). There is also some ambiguity in the terms time and day in the Book of Mormon text. For instance, Alma prophesies to his son Helaman concerning the future destruction of the Nephites, saying, “And when that great day cometh, behold the time very soon cometh” (Alma 45:13). Obviously, Alma’s prophetic “day” does not have to refer to a regular day of twenty-four hours, but can also refer to a longer, more ambiguous time period.

The Time of Christ’s Coming Metcalfe argues that Alma appears ignorant of the 600-year prophecy since he hopes that the Lord’s coming might be in his day and says regarding that event, “we know not how soon” (Alma 13:25).2 But Alma is not speaking of Jesus’ birth–of which he already knows–but of Jesus’ coming among the Nephites in their own land. In fact, Alma says nothing about Christ’s birth in this passage, but speaks of the Lord’s “coming in his glory.” An interesting phrase. On the small plates, Nephi had foretold that, at some unspecified time “after Christ shall have risen from the dead,” he would show himself unto the Nephites, “and the words which he shall speak unto you shall be the law which ye shall do” (2 Nephi 26:1). Contrary to Metcalfe, Alma 13 is consistent with Nephi’s earlier prophecy on the small plates. Alma states that angels had already begun the work of preparing the Nephites to receive Christ’s teachings at the anticipated time of his visit among them.

For behold, angels are declaring it unto many at this time in our land; and this is for the purpose of preparing the hearts of the children of men to receive his word at the time of his coming in his glory[that is, among the Nephites]. And now we only wait to hear the joyful news declared unto us by the mouth of angels, of his coming [that is, among the Nephites in their own land]; for the time cometh, we know not how soon. Would to God that it might be in my day; but let it be sooner or later, in it I will rejoice. (Alma 13:24-25)

The prophecies on the small plates of Nephi would have told of the date of Christ’s birth, but would not have told the date of his death or exactly how long after the resurrection Christ would appear to the Nephites. It is clearly that great day which Alma longs to see. He and others were preparing the hearts of the people of their land to receive Christ’s word when he came among them, just as Nephi promised they would need to do. Christ would come among them, Alma says, “that the words of our fathers may be fulfilled, according to that which they have spoken concerning him, which was according to the spirit of prophecy which was in them” (Alma 13:24; cf. Alma 5:50-52). Obviously Alma is familiar with the prophecies which speak of his coming among the Nephites. Alma taught his son Corianton, somewhere around 73 B.C., that they were “called to declare these glad tidings unto this people, to prepare their minds . . . that they might prepare the minds of their children to hear the word at the time of his coming” among them (Alma 39:16). Alma wants to prepare the people in his land, so that they will prepare their children for Christ’s coming among them. So Alma appears to know that Christ will not come in his lifetime, but in the lifetime of at least some of the rising generation, information which, it is reasonable to assume, he learned from the records in his possession. So when Mormon states a few years earlier, “And many of the people did inquire concerning the place where the Son of God should come; and they were taught [why not by Alma who would already have known from the scriptures in his possession?] that he would appear unto them after his resurrection; and this the people did hear with joy and gladness” (Alma 16:20). Thus, it seems likely that this was not a new revelation, as Metcalfe asserts, but that the new converts learned this information from Alma, who was the keeper of the records on the small plates.

But Metcalfe does raise a significant point: Why would Benjamin and Alma not speak more specifically of the date of Christ’s birth and Lehi’s 600-year prophecy in their public discourses in the land of Zarahemla? The most likely explanation may be that this information was considered a mystery, reserved for the faithful.3 Nephite prophets often concealed certain scriptural information from the public at various times in their history, for diverse reasons (Alma 37:27-29; 45:9; 3 Nephi 28:25; Ether 4:1). I would suggest that Samuel’s prophecy was considered significant and unique because it was the first public disclosure of the date of Christ’s birth among the people of Zarahemla and not because the information was new. The largely negative reaction of the people (Helaman 16:6-23; 3 Nephi 1:4-10) is reason enough for the prophets to have concealed the information so long.

Notes for the Above

2. Perhaps Metcalfe (and others) take the 600-year prophecy with more precision than it may have been intended to convey. The statements of Lehi (1 Nephi 10:4) and Nephi (1 Nephi 19:8; 2 Nephi 25:19) might well mean precisely 600 years. However, a century is a good round number. I can intelligibly say that Heber J. Grant, died “a century” after Joseph Smith, even though the relevant dates are more precisely 1844 and 1945. And I probably have somewhat more leeway than that, especially when we are talking about six centuries. Did the prophecy mean exactly 600 years? How about 599? 605? Or even 590? 336? Alma2 was probably fairly young between 100 and 92 B.C. If he could have lived until, say, 32 B.C., he would be well within the range of reasonable interpretation for six centuries. But he would also be quite old. This might explain his somewhat wistful hope that Christ might come–though probably not in his own time. I would like to thank Daniel Peterson for sharing this observation. As I explain below, however, the scriptures cited by Metcalfe refer not to Christ’s birth, but rather to the time of his coming among the Nephites in the New World following his resurrection.

3. In his discourse to the people of Ammonihah, Alma explains to Zeezrom, “It is given unto many to know the mysteries of the kingdom of God; nevertheless they are laid under a strict command that they shall not impart only according to the heed and diligence which they give unto him. And therefore, he that will harden his heart, the same receiveth the lesser portion of the word; and he that will not harden his heart to him is given the greater portion of the word, until it is given unto him to know the mysteries of God until he know them in full. And they that will harden their hearts, to them is given the lesser portion of the word until they know nothing concerning his mysteries” (Alma 12:9-11).




Thursday, August 2, 2018

Deification/Christification in 2 Corinthians 8:9


For ye know the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, that, though he was rich, yet for your sakes he became poor, that ye through his poverty might be rich. (2 Cor 8:9)

Commenting on this verse, LDS apologist D. Charles Pyle wrote the following in his very insightful and important book on deification:

We being this exposition with Philippians 2:5-10. In this passage, we learn of the mindset of Jesus of Nazareth, of his humility, of his emptying of himself, of his death, and of his subsequent reward of exaltation, all without even the thought of reward in his own mind. In that same passage, Paul teaches that we ourselves should have within us that very same mindset had by Jesus. It reminds us of all the words of Jesus at Luke 14:11. There, we are both warned and encouraged to humble or abase ourselves (as Jesus himself did). Exaltation cannot come to those who are unwilling to humble themselves before God (or, become like a little child).

Elsewhere in another passage, Paul speaks of Jesus’ grace and what he did, and it has as its underlying meaning the same that he outlined in Philippians 2:5-10. In that other passage, to which I alluded above, Paul writes:

For ye know the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, that, though he was rich, yet for your sakes he became poor, that ye through his poverty might be rich. (2 Corinthians 8:9)

Here the first part of the passage refers back to the underlying thought of the following verses of scripture (also previously mentioned above):

Let this mind be in you, which was also in Christ Jesus: Who, being in the form of God, thought it not robbery to be equal with God: But made himself of no reputation, and took upon him the form of a servant, and was made in the likeness of men: And being found in fashion as a man, he humbled himself, and became obedient unto death, even the death of the cross. (Philippians 2:5-8)

Now, considering this above scripture, we can see how “being rich” in 2 Corinthians 8:9 clearly correlates with “being in the form of God” in Philippians 2:6. We also see a very clear correlation of verses 7-8 of the very same Philippians passage (describing the kenosis or emptying of Christ) with the phrase “yet for your sakes he became poor” in 2 Corinthians 8:9. Indeed, Jesus was God before his incarnation, before life as a mortal man and his subsequent death for our sakes. He willingly let all that he had, and his great glory, behind to accomplish his mission for our sakes, with no desire for reward in mind. . . . Mark the Ascetic (c. 430), wrote the same things about the meaning of this passage that I had surmised. While reading an English translation of The Philokalia, I came across the following passage of text therein:

All the penalties imposed by divine judgment upon man for the sin of the first transgression—death, toil, hunger, thirst—He took upon Himself, becoming what we are so that we might become what He is. The Logos became man, so that man might become Logos. Being rich, He became poor for our sakes, so that through His poverty we might become rich (cf. 2 Cor. 8:9). In His great love for man He became like us, so that through every virtue we might become like Him (Mark the Ascetic, “Letter to Nicolas, in The Philokalia, translated by Palmer, Sherrard, and Ware [London: Faber and Faber, 1979], 1:155).

Note carefully here the doctrine of deification underlying this interpretation, and also that this old author, Mark the Ascetic, further claimed that we ourselves, too, would become Logos or Word like Jesus himself (the Word being God, considering John 1:1). Indeed, if we take that above meaning and apply it to an interpretive paraphrasing of 2 Corinthians 8:9, by which we see “rich” as meaning “God,” “poor” as indicating “man,” “poverty” as referencing “manhood,” and the final “rich” like to the first occurrence also meaning “God,” one then can see within it the ancient Christian formularies patterned along the same lines as the structure of this scriptural text.

Understanding the passage in this way, this passage could be worded in such a way as to bring out the fuller, oft-hidden underlying meaning in this same 2 Corinthians passage that early Christians appeared to have understood from it, when reading. This deeper, underlying sense can be represented (in the language of the King James Version of the Bible) in the 2 Corinthians passage, in the following manner:

For ye know the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, that, though he was [God], yet for your sakes he became [man], that ye through his [manhood] might be [God].

When Paul wrote of Jesus’ being rich he most certainly was not speaking of material wealth, or even of eternal possessions in a heavenly inheritance. In the first part of the text, Paul most clearly alludes to the deity nature that Christ possessed before becoming man, as is seen in the first part of the Philippians passage before cited. To have Paul change his meaning mid-thought would make little sense in the context of the first part of the logical unit of thought in that passage The meaning in the above paraphrase, as we have given it, also is no mere flight of fancy, nor a slip of logic, or some mere speculation originating in the New Age movement of our modern times. It was the underlying view of an ancient Christian writer!

Like it or not, if the first part of 2 Corinthians 8:9 refers back to the deity of Christ, and to the kenosis of Christ—of his becoming a man for us (and we can know it does, for Paul relates it to the grace of Christ!)—it logically follows that the second part must refer to a process parallel to the second part of the outcome of that emptying, and the humility discussed in Philippians 2. Coded through the passage is (considered in the light of 1 Corinthians 2:6-8 . . .), it still is clear enough in meaning if we keep in view the Philippians passage (quoted above), when reading this 2Corinthians passage. Try as we may, there is little use in attempting varying forms of mental gymnastics, in virtually Herculean effort, to get around this plain meaning hidden before our very eyes for so very long. Rather, we should try to wrap our heads around its fullest meaning and live our lives just as Paul and as Jesus intended, humbling ourselves before God—even unto death, if circumstances warrant—so that we might one day become exalted, as was Jesus himself (he being our Great Exemplar), and by whom and through whom this grace has been made available to us from the Father. (D. Charles Pyle, I Have Said Ye are Gods: Concepts Conducive to the Early Christian Doctrine of Deification in Patristic Literature and the Underlying Strata of the Greek New Testament (Revised and Supplemented) [CreateSpace, 2018], 60-62, 63-66)



David Wenham on Paul's Knowledge of Jesus' Experience on Gethsemane

Addressing the question of Paul’s knowledge of Jesus in Gethsemane, New Testament scholar David Wenham wrote:

Abba in Paul and Gethsemane

What is the evidence that Paul reflected on the Gethsemane story? We know that Paul was aware of a tradition about Jesus being “betrayed” on the night following the last supper (1 Cor 11:23). We do not know what that tradition comprised, but, since his last supper narrative has much in common with the synoptic narratives and since all three synoptic narratives have Jesus betrayed and arrested in Gethsemane, it is a reasonable inference that Paul knew the Gethsemane story. But is there any evidence that he did? Paul’s use of “Abba” in Galatians and Romans may such be evidence:

“When the fullness of time had come, God sent out his Son, born of woman . . . that we might receive adoption [= sonship]. And because you are children [= sons], God has sent the Spirit of his Son into our hearts, crying, “Abba! Father!” (Gal. 4:4-6)

You did not receive a spirit of slavery to fall back into fear, but you have received a spirit of adoption [= sonship], whereby we cry, “Abba, Father.” (Rom 8:15)

One of the intriguing agreements between these two texts is the use of the verb “cry” in connection with the “Abba” address for God. Paul’s use of this verb (krazō) has usually been explained as a reflection of the intensity of the Christian’s spiritual experience. But it is notable, first, that Paul uses it on both occasions when he refers to “Abba” and nowhere else of Christians praying; this may suggest a traditional link of the verb with use of “Abba.” Second, as we have seen, the only occasion where an Evangelist retains the Aramaic “Abba” is in the Gethsemane story (in Mark), and this may be because “Abba” was especially associated with Gethsemane and because that occasion was especially important in the memory of the church. Third, the Gospels make it clear that Jesus’ praying in Gethsemane was extraordinarily intense. And fourth, although the Gospels do not use “cry” of Jesus’ prayer, Heb 5:7 does use the word (in its noun form) quite probably with Gethsemane in mind: “Jesus offered up prayers and supplications with loud cries and tears” (Hebrews does not say what he cried; it does go on to say that “although he was a Son, he learned obedience through what he suffered,” conceivably an indirect allusion to his cry of “Abba”).

It seems possible in view of this that the Gethsemane prayer may somehow be in the background when Paul speaks in Gal 4:6 and Rom 8:15 of the Christian “crying ‘Abba’.”

Other evidence of Gethsemane in Romans 8

This has added plausibility in Romans 8, since the reference to the Christian crying “Abba” comes in a passage that speaks of the Christian sharing in the death, sufferings, and resurrection of Christ. Paul has spoken just beforehand of the Christian “put[ting] to death” the deeds of the body and so “living” (v. 13) Then after the “Abba” statement he continues: “The Spirit himself bears witness with our spirit that we are children of God, and if children, then heirs, heirs of God, and fellow heirs with Christ, provided we suffer with him in order that we may also be glorified with him” (vs. 16, 17, RSV).

Not only does the Romans 8 context of the “Abba” cry emphasize the cross and the Christian as sharing in the sufferings of Christ (being reminiscent of Gethsemane in that way); it is also very much taken up with the question of the conflict between the Spirit and the flesh. In the immediate context of the “Abba” statement, as we have seen, Paul speaks of “the deeds of the body” and of the “Spirit” (v. 13), and earlier in the chapter he has spoken of the conflict of the “flesh” and “Spirit” and of the “weakness of the flesh” (vv. 3, 5-9). In the previous chapter, especially in 7:14-25, Paul described graphically the weakness of the flesh in a situation of spiritual conflict: “I can will what is right, but I cannot do it” (v. 18).

So in Romans 7 and 8 these all come together:

·       the Abba “cry,”
·       an emphasis on Jesus’ death and resurrection,
·       the thought of the Christian sharing that experience of Jesus,
·       the “spirit”/”flesh” terminology, and
·       use of that terminology to describe spiritual conflict and weakness.

This all makes for a striking comparison with the Gethsemane story. And we might add:

·       an emphasis in both traditions on praying in situations of weakness (Mark 14:38; Rom 8:26).

It seems quite possible, in the light of the evidence, to think that Paul’s reflections in Romans 7 and 8 on the Christian’s spiritual struggles in the time of suffering before the end have, at the very least, been influenced by the Gethsemane story. It is possible that he sees Jesus’ experience as a pattern for the Christian life: The Christian is called to face suffering and physical death with Jesus; the present is a time of temptation and of conflict between flesh and spirit; the way to ace it is, as Jesus did, y prayer through the Spirit to the Abba, Father; the present longing, but also confident expectation, is to share in Jesus’ resurrection and the redemption of the body. (David Wenham, Paul: Follower of Jesus or Founder of Christianity? [Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1995], 277-79)

Elsewhere, Wenham provides some other evidence that, at least implicitly, Paul knew of Jesus’ suffering in Gethsemane:

There is a tiny amount of other evidence that could reflect Pauline familiarity with the Gethsemane narrative. The phrase in Phil 2:8 about Jesus being “obedient up to the point of death” is reminiscent of the Gethsemane story both conceptually—the idea of obedience—and verbally, since in Matt 26:38/Mark 14:34 Jesus is said to be grieved “to death.” Another possible echo of Gethsemane is in Col. 4:2, where Paul urges: “Perseverance in prayer, staying awake;” compare Matt 26:41/Mark 14:38: “Stay awake and pray.” This evidence does not add much to the argument. But we can conclude that the case for Paul being influenced by what was probably a well-known (and very striking) story of the Lord is at least reasonable possibility. (Ibid., 280)




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