Saturday, May 31, 2025

Review of the NeedGodNet vs. Joe Heschmeyer Debate on Water Baptism

 

Review of the NeedGodNet vs. Joe Heschmeyer Debate on Water Baptism








Earl J. Richard on the Apocalyptic Background to "Taking his seat in the temple of God" (2 Thessalonians 2:4)

  

The expression “taking his seat in the temple of God” should be viewed in apocalyptic terms, no matter how vivid or dramatic the imagery. (1) There is much background in apocalyptic literature for the desecration of the Jerusalem Temple, whether the activity of the king of Tyre, who haughtily claimed to be a god (Ezek 28:2), of the provocative Antiochus Epiphanes (Dan 9:27; 11:31; 12:11; also Mark 13:14), of Pompey the Roman general who entered the holy of holies (PssSol 2; 17:11–14), or of Gaius Caligula, who tried “to erect an image of himself in the temple of God” (Josephus, JA 18:261). Such lore served as model for end-day conduct of the apocalyptic evil one. (2) Also, the temple and the divine throne often figure in apocalyptic scenarios as heavenly realities representing the site of God’s power and presence (Ps 11:4; 2 Bar 4; T. Levi 5; Rev passim: both heavenly throne and temple). The author therefore employs temple imagery as symbol for the site of God’s power and the phrase “taking his seat” to represent the ancient theme of human aspirations to divinity, whether Adam and Eve (Gen 3:5) or Herod Agrippa I (Acts 12:21–23; Josephus, JA 19:343–47), in addition to the examples given above. Finally, the addition in some late mss of the phrase “as God” is both unnecessary in the context and poorly attested textually (TCGNT, 635–36). (Earl J. Richard, First and Second Thessalonians [Sacra Pagina Series; Collegeville, Minn.: The Liturgical Press, 2007], 328-29)

 

 

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Friday, May 30, 2025

Examples of Patristic Discussions Concerning 2 Thessalonians 2:3-4

  

2:3–4 The Rebellion, the Man of Lawlessness

 

The Antichrist. Chrysostom: Here Paul discusses the Antichrist and reveals great mysteries. What is the “falling away”? He calls him Apostasy; soon he will destroy many and make them fall away.… And he calls him “the man of sin.” For he shall commit numberless evils and shall cause others to do them. But Paul calls him “the son of perdition,” because he is also to be destroyed. But who is he? Satan? By no means. Rather he is a man in whom Satan fully works. For he is a man.… For he will not introduce idolatry but will be a kind of opponent to God. He will abolish all the gods and will order men to worship him instead of God. He will be seated in the temple of God, not that in Jerusalem only, but also in every church. Homilies on 2 Thessalonians 3.

 

Masked Heretics. Cyril of Jerusalem: Such is Paul’s account. And we have reached the “falling away.” Men, that is, have fallen away from the true faith. Some proclaim the identity of Father and Son. Others dare to assert that one should believe Christ has come into existence out of nonexistence. Formerly heretics were quite evident, but now the church is full of masked heretics. For men have deserted the truth and want to have their ears tickled.21 Make a plausible case, and everyone is ready to listen to you. Talk of changing one’s life, and everyone deserts you. The majority have fallen away from the sound doctrines and are readier to choose what is bad than to prefer what is good. So there you have the “falling away,” and the coming of the enemy is to be expected next. Meanwhile, he has begun to send out his forerunners here and there, so that the spoil may be prepared for him when he comes. Therefore, brothers, look to yourselves. Watch over your souls carefully. Catechetical Lectures 15.9.

 

A Wise Caution. Augustine: No one can doubt that Paul is here speaking of Antichrist, telling us that the day of judgment (which he calls the day of the Lord) will not come without the prior coming of a figure whom he calls the Apostate, meaning, of course, an apostate from the Lord God. And if this appellation can rightly be attached to all the ungodly, how much more to him! There is, however, some uncertainty about the “temple” in which he is to take his seat. Is it the ruins of the temple built by King Solomon, or actually in a church? For the apostle would not say “the temple of God” if he meant the temple of some idol or demon. For that reason some people would have it that Antichrist means here not the leader himself but what we may call his whole body, the multitude, that is, of those who belong to him, together with himself, their leader.… For myself I am much astonished at the great presumption of those who venture such guesses. The City of God 20.19.2.

 

His Own Glory. Augustine: He who speaks on his own seeks his own glory. This will be that one who is called the Antichrist, “exalting himself,” as the apostle says, “above all that is called God and that is worshiped.” Indeed, the Lord, announcing that he would seek his own glory, not the glory of the Father, said to the Jews, “I have come in the name of my Father, and you have not received me; another will come in his own name, this one you will receive.”26 He signified that they would receive the Antichrist, who would seek the glory of his own name, puffed up, hollow, and so not enduring but in fact ruinous. But our Lord Jesus Christ offered us a great example of humility. Tractates on John 29.8.

 

The Trial Is Transitory. Basil the Great: In truth, both of our ears rang on learning of the shameless and inhuman heresy of those who persecuted you. They had no regard for age, nor for the labors of a life well spent, nor for the affection of the people. On the contrary, they tortured and dishonored bodies, handed them over to exile and plundered whatever property they were able to find, not fearing the censure of men nor foreseeing the fearful requital of the just Judge.… But, along with these considerations, there came this thought also: The Lord has not entirely abandoned his churches, has he? And this is not the last hour, is it? Is apostasy finding an entrance through them, in order that now the impious one may be revealed, “the son of perdition, who opposes and is exalted above all that is called God, or that is worshiped”? But if the trial is transitory, bear it, noble champions of Christ.… For if all creation is destroyed and the scheme of the world is altered, what wonder is it if we also, being a part of creation, suffer the common evils and are given over to afflictions?… The crowns of martyrs await you, brothers; the choirs of confessors are ready to reach out to you their hands and to receive you into their own number. Letters 139. (Colossians, 1-2 Thessalonians, 1-2 Timothy, Titus, Philemon, ed. Peter Gorday [Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture; Downers Grove, Ill.: Intervarsity Press, 2000], 109-10)

 

 

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Thursday, May 29, 2025

Mark Allfree Reflecting the Christadelphian Belief that Christ Offered a Sacrifice For Himself

  

Makes reconciliation for the house of Israel

 

Ezekiel 45:17 indicates that the prince provides sacrifices including burnt offerings, meat offerings and drink offerings, in the feasts, the new moons and the sabbaths: “And it shall be the prince’s part to give burnt offerings, and meat offerings, and drink offerings, in the feasts, and in the new moons, and in the sabbaths, and all solemnities of the house of Israel: he shall prepare the sin offering, and the meat offering, and the burnt offering, and the peace offerings, to make reconciliation for the house of Israel”. In addition, he prepares a daily burnt offering (Ezekiel 46:13). The number of sacrifices provided by the prince is considerable, as the chart below illustrates.

 

Offerings provided by the prince

Occasion

Offerings provided

Feast of the passover (45:22, 23)

50 bullocks
49 rams
7 kids of the goats

Feast of tabernacles (45:25)

49 bullocks
49 rams
7 kids of the goats

Every sabbath day (46:4)

6 lambs
1 ram

Every new moon (46:6)

1 bullock
6 lambs
1 ram

Every day (46:13)

1 lamb

 

What this indicates is that the prince will be very busy in the sanctuary. HE will be intimately involved, in a daily basis, in the performance of the ritual in the temple. But the record is very clear that the prince gives (Ezekiel 45:17) and prepares (Ezekiel 45:17, 22, 23, 24; 46:2, 7, 12, 13, 14,15) the offerings, but he does not offer them upon the altar. This sacred duty is reserved from the sons of Zadok, as Ezekiel 44 makes clear: “But the priests the Levites, the sons of Zadok, that kept the charge of my sanctuary when the children if Israel went astray from me, they shall come near to me to minister unto me, and they shall stand before me to offer unto me the fat and the blood, saith the Lord God: they shall enter into my sanctuary, and they shall come near to my table, to minister unto me, and they shall keep my charge” (Ezekiel 44:15, 16). Nowhere in the inspired record is the prince said to approach unto the altar. Although the offerings he provides “makes reconciliation for the house of Israel” (Ezekiel 45:17), the prince is never called a priest, and he does not appear to perform the duties of a priest.

 

Offers a sin offering for himself and for the people

 

One particular offering that the prince prepares on the day of the Passover is a sin offering for himself and for the people: “In the first month, in the fourteenth day of the month, ye shall have the Passover , a feast of seven days; unleavened bread shall be eaten. And upon that day shall the prince prepare for himself and for all the people of the land a bullock for a sin offering” (Ezekiel 45:21, 22). Together with the people, the prince is in need of a sin offering. Clearly he is acting on behalf of the people, and in this regard a parallel can be drawn with the sin offering that Aaron had to offer on the day of atonement: “And Aaron shall offer his bullock of the sin offering, which is for himself, and make an atonement for himself, and for his house” (Leviticus 16:6).

 

Whilst in the days of his flesh Jesus was “made sin for us, who knew no sin” (2 Corinthians 5:21), on account of his partaking of our death-stricken nature (see Hebrews 2:14; Romans 8:3), and the therefore in need of personal redemption (see Hebrews 9:12 RV: “Nor yet through the blood of goats and calves, but through his own blood, entered in once for all into the holy place, having obtained eternal redemption”), and salvation (see Hebrews 13:20, 21: “Now the God of peace, that brought again from the dead our Lord Jesus, that great shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant, make you perfect in every good work to do his will, working in you that which is wellpleasing in his sight, through Jesus Christ; to whom be glory for ever and ever. Amen”) the fact remains that he has now been “highly exalted” (Philippians 2:9), and “raised . . . from the dead, now no more to return to corruption” (Acts 13:34). When he comes gain he will “appear the second time without sin unto salvation” (Hebrews 9:28). IT does not therefore seem appropriate that the immortal, perfected Christ should be required to offer sin offerings for himself. Hebrews 7 very clearly states that the exalted Christ does not need to offer any further offerings for himself: “But this man, because he continueth ever, hath an unchangeable priesthood. Wherefore he is able to save them to the uttermost that come unto God by him, seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them. For such an high priest became us, who is holy, harmless, undefiled, separate from sinners, and made higher than the heavens; who needeth not daily, as those high priests, to offer up sacrifice, first for his own sins, and then for the people’s: for this he did once, when he offered up himself” (Hebrews 7:24-27). (Mark Allfree, The Restoration of the Kingdom: An Exposition of Ezekiel 40-48 [Nottinghamshire: Bible Study Publications, 2018], 121-23)


Further Reading:


Listing of Articles on Christadelphian Issues



Charles H. Giblin on the Temple (ναος) in 2 Thessalonians 2:4 being the Church, not the Jerusalem Temple

  

ΝΑΟΣ in Verse 4b

 

The temple (ναός, sanctuary) in v. 4b has been interpreted as the temple of Jerusalem or in various symbolic ways as a heavenly temple, as the Church, and simply as part of an expression depicting the hostile figure’s attempt to arrogate to himself all divine prerogatives (Knabenbauer, Vosté, Steinmann, Amiot) .

 

The first of these interpretations is more logically associated with the view that Paul has in mind some figure like Emperor Caligula, who attempted to have his statue set up in the temple , or Nero. This interpretation suffers from the general weaknesses of any theory of strictly historical interpretation of the figures in this chapter (cf. remarks in Part One, pp. 17–19). And it suffers from still others. For Caligula died in 41 A.D., a decade before this letter was written, and Paul in writing 2 Thes 2:3–4 is looking ahead to the parousia, not backwards. Nero was alive at the time Paul wrote, but became Emperor in 54. G. R. Beasley-Murray’s remarks on the way the Caligula-episode has been used in explaining Mk 13:14 ff. (and 2 Thes 2:4) are applicable to the Nero-hypothesis too: “the method employed by proponents of this theory is to pin down a prediction to a likely event and then insist that on this account the saying must be ex eventu” . But, apart from the method employed, such a line of interpretation misconstrues the perspective in which the imagery is used. It assumes that the imagery is merely a disguised form of predicting physical events. Actually, the context into which the imagery is integrated is a pastoral admonition against deception on a point of faith.

 

Even apart from the Emperor-hypothesis, the view that the earthly temple of Jerusalem is in question does not find anything in Paul to commend itself. For, as we shall see shortly, his references to the temple have a different scope. We can find no grounds for supposing that in Paul’s catechesis, to which reference is made within two lines of his reference to the temple in v. 4, the temple or earthly city of Jerusalem figured at all. At the very least, the view that the earthly temple is meant does not accord with the view of Jerusalem in Gal 4:25–26.

 

The theory that a heavenly temple enters Paul’s ken seems a bit less gratuitous. But, again, such a “localized” heavenly temple is mentioned nowhere else in Paul’s own works. An interpretation based on the use of this image in Apoc  would first have to explain the sense of the texts in that unique work and then relate them to the far less visual imagery of 2 Thes 2. Furthermore, the ἄνομος is depicted as a human figure who is undone at the Lord’s parousia. His pseudo-parousia is opposed to that of the Lord himself, and the temple which is the object of his self-assertion should presumably be “located” not in heaven but in the realm directly affected by the Lord’s coming. In a sense, this latter “area” is not strictly earthly, for it involves men (who believe or disbelieve) rather than place But it is difficult to see how Paul’s representation of the anti-God figure fits with a conception of ναός as an altogether non-terrestrial temple situated in the heavens.

 

The position of Knabenbauer et al is less vulnerable to specific objections, since it is basically a refusal to designate the meaning of the term beyond the minimum that must be inferred from other elements in the immediate context. But this minimal position does not seem to be warranted by Paul’s repeated use of the temple (ναός, sanctuary) in other letters.

These other Pauline texts  solidly base the view that the Church is meant, though further qualifications are called for. We would not say that Paul is speaking of the Church as God’s temple in the sense that he is presenting its organizational-juridical aspects. In Eph 2:21 and 4:16, for example, where the image of the temple is tied closely to the image of the Church as a body, the ‘organization’ that is directly affirmed is affirmed in function of the idea of ordered growth. This growth is said to be according to a power (scl., the spirit, as coming from Christ risen) which is at work in the Church and brings it to spiritual maturity. For Paul, the Church is largely the dwelling-place of the Spirit; it is the sphere of sanctification  conceived as God’s special possession, something purchased through the redemption (1 Cor 6:19–20). An ecclesial interpretation is supported by the wider context of Paul’s use of cult-imagery, scl., in reference to the faith or sanctification of the community or in connection with his own apostolic work . Again, the temple-image seems to have figured in Paul’s catechesis, to which we have a reference in the text before us (v. 5).

 

The principal difficulty against taking ναός of v. 4 as the Church is perhaps the expression αὐτὸνκαθίσαι: “to seat himself”. Does not this term itself (καθίσαι), in spite of its infinitive form after ὥστε (which may easily be taken as indicating a tendency instead of an accomplished fact), suggest establishment of the Rebel in some way in the Church? We do not think it follows that establishment or actual exercise of power is implied by the very term καθίσαι. In the first place, it should be noted that, though καθίσαι is printed in bold-face type in Nestle’s text, with a marginal reference to Ez 28:2, it does not occur in Ez 28:2 or in any of the other texts which are considered to lie behind 2 Thes 2:3–4. In Ez 28:2, in fact, we find a far more “local” image (κατοικίαν θεοῦ κατῷκηκα) which Paul does not use and may even be avoiding.

 

In the second place, the term καθίζω is frequent enough in texts which describe a form of exercising power by way of teaching or judging so that its locative sense virtually disappears . The term itself, then, need not suggest physical presence but may denote function. Only its form, considered in connection with other features of the text and context, will be able to tell us whether Paul considers the function as actually exercised or successful. The term alone will not do so. The determining factors are Paul’s evident confidence that God’s prerogatives will not be usurped and that his calling men to the faith will not be substantially frustrated. The features of the text in v. 4 can easily be explained as describing an intended, unrealized attempt (ὥστε + inf., conative ptc. ἀποδεικνύντα). One may add that the preposition εἰς, which here keeps its sense of motion or direction , would certainly be less apt than ἐν, with which καθίσαι is usually construed, if Paul had thought of expressing achieved result.

 

Lastly, if the connotation “false prophet” be accepted for “Man of Rebellion”, it is much easier to see the appropriateness and precise scope of the term καθίσαι: the Rebel would set himself up as teacher or judge in the Church. It is also easier to account for the boldness of Paul’s image (even granting that he does not say the attempt is accomplished). For in Mk 13:22 we find it said of false Christs and false prophets: ποιήσουσιν σημεῖα καὶ τέρατα πρὸς τὸ ἀποπλανᾶν [Mt 24:24: ὥστε πλανῆσαι], εἰ δυνατὸν, τοὺς ἐκλεκτοὺς. “If possible” indicates for Mk-Mt the gravity of the threat; ὥστε κτλ. for Paul indicates rather the gravity of the affront to what is God’s.

 

In conclusion, then, we see no cogent reason for interpreting ναός along other lines than those indicated by Paul’s regular use of the term. The context of 2 Thes 2 does differ from that of other texts (except for the use of ναός in 2 Cor 6:16) on the score that 2 Thes 2 is markedly apocalyptic. But we think that the ecclesial interpretation faces fewer difficulties than any other known interpretation and better safeguards the theological character of Paul’s pastoral admonition. A more thorough investigation of the temple-image, since it requires extensive examination of extremely difficult texts on the Son of Man and related images of the heavenly assembly (and accordingly careful study of various authors and strata in the NT tradition). cannot be handled in this monograph. (Charles H. Giblin, The Threat to Faith: An Exegetical and Theological Re-Examination of 2 Thessalonians 2 [Analecta Biblical 31; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1967], 76-80)

 

 

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Wednesday, May 28, 2025

T. C. Schmidt, Josephus & Jesus: New Evidence for the One Called Christ (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2025)

Today, I read the following book:

 

T. C. Schmidt, Josephus & Jesus: New Evidence for the One Called Christ (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2025)

 

I highly recommend it. It is a really solid defense of the Testimonium Flavianum. Here is the abstract of the book:

 

This book brings to light an extraordinary connection between Jesus of Nazareth and the Jewish historian Josephus. Writing in 93/4 ce, Josephus composed an account of Jesus known as the Testimonium Flavianum. Despite this being the oldest description of Jesus written by a non-Christian, scholars have long doubted its authenticity due to the alleged pro-Christian claims it contains. The present book, however, authenticates Josephus’ authorship and then reveals a startling discovery. First, the opening chapters demonstrate that ancient Christians read the Testimonium Flavianum quite differently from modern scholars, considering it to be basically mundane or even vaguely negative, and hence far from the pro-Christian rendering that most scholars have interpreted it to be. This suggests that the Testimonium Flavianum was indeed written by a non-Christian. The book then employs stylometric analysis to demonstrate that the Testimonium Flavianum closely matches Josephus’ style. The Testimonium Flavianum appears, therefore, to be genuinely authored by Josephus. The final chapters explore Josephus’ sources of information about Jesus, revealing a remarkable discovery: Josephus was directly familiar with those who attended the trials of Jesus’ apostles and even those who attended the trial of Jesus himself. The book concludes by describing what Josephus tells us about the Jesus of history, particularly regarding how the stories of Jesus’ miracles and his resurrection developed.

 

Abraham J. Malherbe on the Problems with Identifying the "Temple" of 2 Thessalonians 2:4 with the Temple in Jerusalem

  

so that he takes his seat in the temple of God, proclaiming himself to be God. The extent of his arrogance becomes evident in its result (hoste plus the infinitive; cf. 1:4; 1 Thess 1:7). He (auton is emphatic) takes his seat (kathisai is intransitive) in God’s temple. What Paul means by “temple,” or more precisely “shrine,” (naos) is not clear. The word is used of the physical body (1 Cor 6:19), but that does not fit this context. The church also is called God’s temple (1 Cor 3:16; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21), and this interpretation has had its patristic as well as modern proponents (see Giblin, 76–80). It has also been thought by some patristic and modern commentators that Paul is referring to the heavenly temple, where God sits (Ps 10:4, “The Lord is in his holy temple; the Lord, his throne is in heaven”; cf. Isa 66:1; Mic 1:2; Hab 2:20; 1 En 14:17–22; 2 Bar 4:2–6; cf. Frame, 256).

 

The most obvious identification is the Jerusalem temple and it is held by most commentators, but problems attach to it. Although certain individuals in the OT (Isa 14:3–4; Ezek 28:2) and Nero (Sib Or 5.29–34) made divine claims for themselves, and Gaius Caligula considered himself a god and wished to have his statue erected in the temple (Josephus, Jewish War 2.184–85), nobody actually entered the temple proclaiming himself to be God. It would appear that it is still the figure of Antiochus IV Epiphanes as described in Daniel that is behind Paul’s language here. The figure so described will halt worship to God and install the abomination that makes desolate (Dan 9:27; 11:31; 12:11) and speaks against God (11:36–37). Paul uses this language apocalyptically, as Matthew also does (24:15).

 

The destruction of the temple in a.d. 70 has also posed problems for interpreters who think that Paul had the Jerusalem temple in mind. Patristic commentators overcame the problem by claiming that the temple would be rebuilt. Some commentators, who hold that the letter is pseudonymous, have seen in this a difficulty for their theory, if the letter were written after the temple was destroyed (see discussion in Wrede, 94–114; Trilling 1972: 126). This problem is more apparent than real; other writings dating after a.d. 70, including Hebrews, convey an impression that the temple was still standing (cf. Attridge, 8). Irenaeus, who thought that Paul was referring to the Jerusalem temple and also echoed the passages in Daniel, saw no problem in his position (Against Heresies 5.25.4; see von Dobschütz 1909: 276–77). The usurpation of the temple of God as the locus for claiming himself to be God symbolizes the gravest act of defiance imaginable, and to express that is Paul’s intention as he writes in starkly apocalyptic language. (Abraham J. Malherbe, The Letters to the Thessalonians: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary [AYB 32B; New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008], 420-21)

 

 

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Isidore of Seville (d. 636) on Abraham instructing the Egyptians in Astrology

 In “Astronomy (De astronomia),” found in The Etymologies, III.xxiv, Isidore of Seville wrote:

 

xxv. The inventors of astronomy (De inventoribus eius) 1. The Egyptians were the first to discover astronomy. However, the Chaldeans were the first to teach astrology (astrologia)and observations concerning nativities. But the author Josephus asserts that Abraham instructed the Egyptians in astrology. The Greeks say that this art was earlier conceived by Atlas, and that is why he was said to have held up the sky. 2. Yet whoever the inventor was, he was stirred by the movement of the heavens and prompted by the reasoning of his mind, and through the changing of the seasons, through the fixed and defined courses of the stars, through the measured expanses of their distances apart, he made observations of certain dimensions and numbers. By defining and discerning these things, and weaving them into a system, he invented astrology. (The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville [trans. Stephen A. Barney, W. J. Lewis, J. A. Beach, and Oliver Berghof; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006], 99)

 

Tuesday, May 27, 2025

Thomas B. Dozeman on the Covenant in Joshua 9:1-15b and the Oath in Joshua 9:15b-27

  

 

Covenant in Josh 9:1–15a

 

The theme of covenant signifies a conditional alliance in the book of Joshua, rather than an unconditional pledge. The term bĕrît, “covenant,” occurs twenty-two times in Joshua. Thirteen references are to the “ark of the covenant” (Josh 3:3, 6 [twice], 8, 11, 14, 17; 4:7, 9, 18; 6:6, 8; 8:33), where it symbolizes the conditional presence of Yahweh with the Israelite army. The conditional nature of covenant is illustrated in the story of Achan, where his breaking of the covenant results in the army’s defeat. The Deity tells Joshua: “Israel has sinned; they have violated my covenant” (7:11, 15). Joshua’s speech in Josh 23:16 and the subsequent covenant at Shechem in Josh 24:25 also reinforce its conditional nature: “If you transgress the covenant of Yahweh, your God, … you will perish.”

 

The conditional nature of covenant in the book of Joshua aids in interpreting Josh 9, where the theme is concentrated in the first half of the narrative (9:6, 7, 11, 15, 16). The masquerade of the Gibeonites in Josh 9:1–15a is aimed at Joshua and the “men of Israel.” The Gibeonites introduce the theme of covenant in Josh 9:6, when they say, “From a faraway land we have come. Now make a covenant with us.” The theme reappears in the unfolding negotiations (vv. 7, 8), until the success of the trick is indicated in Josh 9:14–15a, when the men of Israel eat food with the Gibeonites and Joshua makes “peace” with them through a “covenant.” Although Joshua violates the rules for war in Deut 20:10–18, the conditional nature of covenant in the book of Joshua indicates that it is not the central theme of the story. If the central theme of the chapter were the making of a covenant under false pretenses, Joshua would be free to destroy the Gibeonites, just as Yahweh was free to abandon the Israelite army at Ai after Achan broke the covenant (7:11, 15).

 

Oath in Josh 9:15b–27

 

The theme of swearing an oath signifies a permanent and irrevocable promise or curse in the book of Joshua that, once made, cannot be abrogated. The term šāba‘, “to swear,” occurs sixteen times in the book: five times in the Hiphil form of the verb (2:12, 17, 20; 6:26; 23:7), and eleven times in the Niphal (1:6; 5:6 [twice]; 6:22; 9:15, 18, 19, 20; 14:9; 21:43, 44). The Niphal occurrences describe unconditional oaths that invoke the Deity or are stated by God. Yahweh promises the land to the ancestors with an oath (1:6; 21:43, 44) and denies the fulfillment of the promise to the first generation with a similar oath (5:6 [twice]). These promises are unchangeable. Caleb also demands land on the basis of Moses’ unconditional oath (14:9). The Hiphil form of the verb describes the negotiations between Rahab and the spies for an oath of rescue (2:12, 17, 20), which, once agreed upon, also becomes irrevocable (the Niphal form of the verb in 6:22). Joshua’s permanent curse on the city is also stated with the Hiphil form of the verb (6:26), as is the command not to make an oath by invoking any other deity than Yahweh (23:7).

 

The unconditional nature of the oath in the book of Joshua aids in interpreting Josh 9, where the theme is concentrated in the second half of the narrative (9:15, 18, 19, 20). It appears unexpectedly in v. 15b, when the leaders of the congregation suddenly and without clear cause swear an oath to the Gibeonites after Joshua had already made a conditional covenant with them in v. 15a. Once the oath is sworn, it becomes the central theme in the second half of the narrative, as opposed to the conditional covenant Joshua and the men of Israel made in the first half. When the masquerade of the Gibeonites is discovered (9:16–17), the Israelites are forced to spare them—not because they had made a covenant with them, but “because the leaders of the congregation had sworn an oath to them by Yahweh the God of Israel” (9:18). The oath is unconditional. The leaders state: “We have sworn to them by Yahweh, the God of Israel. So now we are not able to strike them” (9:19). Thus, it is the leaders of the congregation, not Joshua, who create a condition in which the Gibeonites must be spared, because of their unconditional oath. The leaders wish to avoid the divine wrath that would accompany the breaking of the oath and thus they make the Gibeonites permanent cultic personnel: “And the leaders said to them, ‘Let them live.’ And they were woodcutters and drawers of water for the entire congregation, as the leaders stated to them” (9:21). The speech of Joshua in vv. 22–23 follows the decision of the leaders and thus must be read as commentary on the leaders’ solution regarding the fate of the Gibeonites. Joshua reframes that solution as a curse: “Now you are cursed. Slavery will not be cut away from you. You will be woodcutters and drawers of water for the house of my God” (9:23).

 

Joshua 9 is a unified narrative. The setting of its composition is the postexilic period. The evidence is the author’s interweaving of Deuteronomistic notions of holy war and conditional covenant (vv. 1–15a) with Priestly views of leadership and cultic service. The aim of the author is to write a polemical story against the “leaders of the congregation,” who are judged to be responsible for the cultic service of the Gibeonites, which is a violation of the rules for holy war in Deut 20:10–18 that dominates the first half of the narrative. The rules for war represent the perspective of the author, who would prefer to destroy the foreign Gibeonites for making a covenant under false pretenses but is restrained by the unconditional oath of the leaders of the congregation that guarantees their cultic status. The best that the author can do is to curse this situation through the speech of Joshua. (Thomas B. Dozeman, Joshua 1-12: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary [AYB 6B; New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015], 412-13)

 

Interpretation of Apostolic Canon 85 in "The Rudder"

 English:

 

CANON LXXXV

 

To all you Clergymen and Laymen let the following books be venerable and sacred: Of the Old Testament, the five of Moses, namely, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy; the one of Jesus of Nave (commonly called Joshua in English); the one of Judges; the one of Ruth; the four of the Kingdoms; two Paralipomena of the Book of Days; two of Esdras; one of Esther; three of the Maccabees; one of Job; one Psalter (commonly called the Psalms in English and also in Greek); three of Solomon, namely, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Song of Songs; twelve of the Prophets; one of Isaiah; one of Jeremiah; one of Ezekiel; one of Daniel; outside of these it is permissible for you to recount in addition thereto also the Wisdom of very learned Sirach by way of teaching your younger folks. Our own books, that is to say, those of the New Testament, comprising four Gospels, namely, that of Matthew, of Mark, of Luke, and of John; fourteen Epistles of Paul; two Epistles of Peter, three Epistles of John; one of James; one of Jude; two Epistles of Clement; and the Injunctions addressed to you Bishops through me, Clement, in eight books, which ought not to be divulged to all on account of the secret matters they contain) and the Acts of us Apostles.

 

Interpretation

 

After teaching and legislating in their sacred Canons in what manner it befits those in holy orders and lay Christians in general to conduct themselves as a matter of policy, the Apostles lastly teach also what books they ought to read. Thus in their c. IX they taught us not to read books that are uncanonical and falsely entitled and ascribed to others than their real authors, while in the present Canon they teach us to read the canonical and holy books which they also enumerate, as they appear listed here. These books are also mentioned in c. IX of the Council held in Laodicea, and in c. XXXII of that held in Carthage. Moreover, Athanasius the Great in his 39th festal letter, and St. Gregory the Theologian, in his Epic Verses, and Amphilochius the Bishop of Iconion in his Iambic Lines also mention them. In fact Athanasius the Great in his said letter divides all the books of the Old Testament into two groups: the canonical, and the readable. As regarding the ones in the Old Testament called canonical he says that they are twenty-two books, in agreement with the number twenty-two of letters in the Hebrew alphabet (as is stated also by St. Gregory the Theologian and by divine John of Damascus), being named as follows: 1, Genesis; 2, Exodus; 3, Leviticus; 4, Numbers; 5, Deuteronomy; 6, Jesus of Nave (or Joshua); 7, Judges; 8, Ruth; 9, Kingdoms first and second taken together (which are also known as the Books of Samuel among the Jews); 10, Kingdoms third and fourth (called also the First and Second Books of Kings, respectively); 11, Paralipomena first and second taken together (called in English “the First Book of the Chronicles” and “The Second Book of the Chronicles,” respectively); 12, the First and the Second Book of Esdras, taken together; 13, The Psalms; 14, Proverbs; 15, Ecclesiastes; 16, The Song of Songs; 17, Job; 18, The twelve lesser Prophets, named as a single book; 19, Isaiah; 20, Jeremiah together with Lamentations, and Baruch, and an epistle; 21, Ezekiel; 22, Daniel. Readable books to be studied by the recently catechized are the following: Wisdom of Solomon, which is also called all-virtuous according to Eusebius (Book 11, ch. 7, concerning Evangelical preparation); Wisdom of Sirach, which is also called all-virtuous, according to George Syngelos (note, however, that Sirach is called by Westerners “Ecclesiasticus”); Esther; Judith; and Tobias Take note, however, of the fact that the book of Esther, which is but one, is also included among the Canonical Books, just as the present Apostolical Canon also lists it among the canonical books; and so does the council held in Laodicea, and that held in Carthage. But even the Wisdom of Solomon, and Judith, and Tobit are enumerated among the canonical books by the council of Carthage. In the present Ap. c. the first three books of the Maccabees are also listed as canonical books. Of the New Testament the canonical books are the following: The four Gospels; the Acts of the Apostles; the seven Epistles General, namely, one of James, two of Peter, three of John, and one of Jude; fourteen Epistles of Paul; and the Book of Revelation, concerning which, however, divine Amphilochius in his Iambics says that though many approve it as genuine, most authorities deem it spurious. The Book of Revelation was nevertheless accepted by the Council of Carthage as a canonical book, as attested by its c. XXX; and by Athansius the Great in his aforesaid letter No. 39; and by divine Dionysius the Areopagite, who calls it a mystical intuition; and the scholiast of St. Dionysius divine Maximus mentions in many places in his scholia; it is also approved by St. Jerome, who calls it the most sublime book in the world. But if St. Gregory the Theologian fails to mention it in his Epic Verses, yet in the constituent address which he made to the one hundred and fifty bishops composing the Second Ecumenical Council he expressly mentioned it, saying: “For I am persuaded that other ones (i.e., angels) supervise other churches, as John teaches me in Revelation.” Origen, too, had a communication on Revelation. Cyril of Alexandria also mentions it (in p. 679 of the Pentateuch); and likewise does Clement of Alexandria (in p. 856 of the Pentateuch); it is accepted also by Apollinaris, Ephraim, Papias, Justin, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Lactantinus, Severus, Sylpicius, Augustine, Methodius, Hippolytus, Andrew of Caesarea, and the Second Ecumenical Council itself, before which St. Gregory the Theologian delivered his constituent address in which he mentioned the book of Revelation. It is also recognized by Meliton the bishop of Sardis, and by Theophilus the bishop of Antioch, and by others. As for the two Epistles of Clement mentioned in the present Apostolical Canon, they were addressed to the Corinthians on the part of the Church of Rome, and were published in the collection of the first volume of the Records of the Councils; but the second one is deemed spurious by Photius (folio 156 of the Myriobiblus). As for the Injunctions of the Apostles, which are also called the Didache of the Apostles by Athansius the Great, they were rejected by c. II of the 6th Ecumenical Council, on the ground that they had been garbled by heretics. But since not all of them were garbled, but only certain parts of them, therefore many of the Fathers even before the Sixth, among whom St. Gregory the Theologian in particular, but also sacred Maximus as well, adopted sayings taken therefrom. Thus the Theologian in his discourse on Easter, with reference to the proposition saying, “I will be on my guard,” explain the word sheep as representing Christ allegorically on account of the coat of imperishability, which saying was gleaned from the Injunctions, according to Micetas; while divine Maximus uses whole excerpts from the Injunctions in his scholia on Dionysius. But why am I speaking of individuals? The Fifth Ecumenical Council itself bears witness to the Injunctions, in the letter of Justinian, to the effect that alms ought to be given in behalf of the dying, p. 392 of the second volume of the collection of the councils. But even after the Sixth Council the Council assembled in St. Sophia adopted testimony from the Injunctions. Michael, too, the patriarch of Constantinople, surnamed Cerularius, together with the synod attending him, living a.d. 1053, adopted testimony against the cutting off of the beard which is found in Book I of the Apostolical Injunctions, ch. 3, reading as follows: “Ye shall not depilate your beards: for God the Creator made this becoming in women, but unsuited to men.” See also page 978 of volume II of the Conciliar Records. Besides, as they are now found printed, it does not appear to me that they contain anything spurious or improper. The Shepherd, which Athanasius the Great mentions in his often-cited epistle, was a book which has not been preserved to our times. Perhaps it was such an affair as the discourse which John of Climax attributes to a shepherd, and, briefly speaking, there was such a book teaching the shepherd of rational sheep how to shepherd them towards a pasture conducive to salvation, and how to keep them safe from the clutches and claws of rational wolves, and of demons and cacodoxical human beings as well. We have been informed that this Shepherd is found as a very old book in some monastery in Greece and that it is a work of Quartus, one of the seventy Apostles. The Shepherd is mentioned also by St. Maximus in his scholia on divine Dionysius. Its size is about that of the Psalter. Note that c. LIV of Carthage commands that besides the books of the Old and New Testaments the Lives of the Martyrs are to be read which contain an account of their ordeals on the days of their festivals. (D. Cummings with Agapios, Orthodox Eastern Church and Nicodemus, The Rudder [trans. D. Cummings; Chicago: Orthodox Educational Society, 1957], 145-54)

 

 

Greek:

 

ΚΑΝΩΝ ΠΕʹ.

 

Ἔστω ὑμῖν πᾶσι Κληρικοῖς καὶ Λαϊκοῖς βιβλία σεβάσμια καὶ Ἅγια. Τῆς μὲν παλαιᾶς διαθήκης, Μωϋσέως πέντε· Γένεσις· Ἔξοδος· Λευϊτικόν· Ἀριθμοί· Δευτερονόμιον· Ἰησοῦ Ναυῆ ἕν· Κριτῶν ἔν· Ροὺθ ἕν. Βασιλειῶν τέσσαρα. Παραλειπομένων τῆς βίβλου τῶν ἡμερῶν δύω. Ἔσδρα δύω. Ἐσθὴρ ἕν· Μακκαβαίων τρία· Ἰὼβ ἔν· ψαλτήριον ἓν, Σολομῶντος τρία, Παροιμίαι. Ἐκκλησιαστὴς καὶ Ἆσμα Ἀσμάτων· Προφητῶν δώδεκα· ἒν Ἡσαΐου· ἓν Ἰερεμίου· ἒν Ἰεζεκιήλ· Δανιὴλ ἕν. ἔξωθεν δὲ ὑμῖν προσιστορείσθω μανθάνειν ὑμῶν τοὺς νέους, τὴν σοφίαν τοῦ πολυμαθοῦς Σειράχ. Ἡμέτερα δὲ, τουτέστι τῆς καινῆς Διαθήκης, Εὐαγγέλια τέσσαρα, Ματθαίου, Μάρκου, Λουκᾶ καί Ἰωάννου. Παύλου ἐπιστολαὶ δεκατέσσαρες· Πέτρου ἐπιστολαὶ δύο· Ἰωάννου ἐπιστολαὶ τρεῖς· Ἰακώβου μία· Ἰούδα μία· Κλήμεντος ἐπιστολαὶ δύω· καὶ αἱ διαταγαὶ ὑμῖν τοῖς Ἐπισκόποις διʼ ἐμοῦ Κλήμεντος ἐν ὀκτὼ βιβλίοις προσπεφωνημέναι, (ἂς οὐ χρὴ δημοσιεύειν ἐπὶ πάντων διὰ τὰ ἐν αὐταῖς μυστικὰ) καὶ αἱ Πράξεις ἡμῶν τῶν Ἀποστόλων.(2)

 

Ἑρμηνεία

 

Ἀφʼ οὕ οἱ Ἀπόστολοι ἐδίδαξαν καὶ ἐνομοθέτησαν διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν αὐτῶν Κανόνων τίνι τρόπῳ ἁρμόζει εἰς τοὺς ἱερωμένους καὶ ἁπλῶς εἱς τοὺς λαϊκοὺς Χριστιανοὺς νὰ πολιτεύωνται, τελευταϊον διδάσκουσι, καὶ ποῖκ βιβλία πρέπει νὰ ἀναγινώσκωσι. Καὶ τὰ μὲν ἀκανόνιστα καὶ ψευδεπίγραφα βιβλία ἐδίδαξαν εἰς τὸν ξʹ. αὐτῶν Κανόνα νὰ μὴ ἀναγινώσκωμεν, τὰ δὲ κανονισμένα καὶ ἅγια διὰ τοῦ παρόντος Κανόνος διδάσκουσιν ἡμᾶς νὰ ἀναγινώσκωμεν, ἄτινα καὶ ἀπαριθμοῦσιν, ὡς ἐδῶ φαίνονται καταστρωμένα. Μέμνηται δὲ τῶν βιβλίων τούτων καὶ ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ σύνοδος, Καν. ξʹ. καὶ ἐν Καρθ. Καν. λβʹ. Ἀλλὰ καὶ μέγας Ἀθανάσιος ἐν τῇ λθʹ. ἑορταστικῇ αὐτοῦ ἐπιστολῇ, καὶ Γρηγόριος Θεολόγος ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσι, καὶ Ἀμφιλόχιος Ἰκονίου διὰ στίχων Ἰάμβων. τοίνυν μέγας Ἀθανάσιος ἐν τῇ ρηθείσῃ ἐπιστολῇ εἰς δύω διαιρεῖ τὰ βιβλία ἄπαντα τῆς παλαιᾶς Γραφῆς· εἰς κανονιζόμενα, καὶ εἰς ἀναγινωσκόμενα. Καὶ κανονιζόμενα μὲν τῆς παλαιᾶς Γραφῆς λέγει, ὅτι εἶναι βιβλία εἰκοσιδύω, κατὰ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν εἰκοσιδύω γραμμάτων τῶν Ἑβραϊκῶν (καθὼς αὐτὸ τοῦτο λέγει καὶ Θεολόγος Γρηγόριος, καὶ θεῖος Ἰωάννης Δαμασκηνὸς), τὰ ὁποῖα εἷναι ταῦτα. 1. Γένεσις. 2. Ἔξοδος. 3. Λευϊτικόν. 4. Ἀριθμοί. 5. Δευτερονόμιον. 6. Ἰησοῦς Ναυῆ. 7. Κριταί. 8. Ρούθ. 9. Βασιλειῶν πρώτη καὶ δευτέρα ὁμοῦ (ἅτινα, καὶ Σαμουὴλ ὀνομάζονται παρὰ τοῖς Ἑβραίοις. δέ Γʹ. καὶ Δʹ. Βασιλ. ά. καὶ βʹ. Βασιλειῶν ὀνομάζονται) 10. Βασιλειῶν τρίτη καὶ τετάρτη ὁμοῦ. 11. Παραλειπομένων πρώτη καὶ δευτέρα ὁμοῦ. 12. Ἔσδρα πρῶτον καὶ δεύτερον ὁμοῦ. 13. Ψαλμοί. 14. Παροιμοίαι. 15. Ἐκκλησιαστής. 16. Ἆσμα Ἀσμάτων. 17. Ἰώβ. 18. Οἱ δώδεκα μικροὶ Προφῆται ὀνομαζόμενοι βιβλίον ἕν. 19. Ἡσαίας. 20. Ἱερεμίας ὁμοῦ καὶ Θρῆνοι, καὶ Βαροὺχ, καὶ ἐπιστολή. 21. Ἰεζεκιήλ. 22. Δανιήλ. Ἀναγινωσκόμενα δὲ βιβλία ἀπὸ τοὺς νεωστὶ κκτηχουμένους ταῦτα εἱσί· Σοφία Σολομῶντος, ἥτις καὶ πανάρετος λέγεται κατὰ τὸν Εὐσέβιον (βιβλ. 11. κεφ. 7. περὶ Εὐαγγελικῆς προπαρασκευῆς), Σοφία Σειρὰχ, ἥτις καὶ αὐτη πανάρετος λέγεται, κατὰ Γεώργιον τὸν Σύγγελον. (Σημείωσαι δὲ ὅτι ὁ Σειρὰχ Ἐκκλησιαστικὸς παρὰ τοῖς Δυτικοῖς ὀνομάζεται.) Ἐσθὴρ, Ἰουδὴθ, καὶ Τωβίας. Σημείωσαι ὅμως ὅτι καὶ τὸ βιβλίον τῆς Ἐσθὴρ ἕν ὄν, μετὰ τῶν Κανονιζομένων βιβλίων συναριθμεῖται, καθὼς καὶ ὁ παρὼν Ἀποστολικὸς Κανὼν ἐν τοῖς κανονιζομένοις τοῦτο συγκαταλέγει, καὶ ἡ ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ σύνοδος, καὶ ἡ ἐν Καρθαγ. Ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ Σοφία τοῦ Σολομῶντος, καὶ Ἰουδὶθ. καὶ ὁ Τωβὶτ, τοῖς κανονιζομένοις βιβλίοις συναριθμοῦνται ὑπὸ τῆς ἐν Καρθαγένῃ συνόδου. Ὡς κανονικὰ δὲ βιβλία καταλέγονται ἀπὸ τὸν παρόντα Ἀποστολικὸν, καὶ τὰ τρία βιβλία τῶν Μακααβαίων.(1) Τῆς δὲ νέας Γραφῆς, Κανονικὰ βιβλία εἰσὶ ταῦτα· Τὰ δʹ. Εὐαγγέλια· Αἰ Πρἀξεις τῶν Ἀποστόλων· Αἰ ἑπτὰ καθολικαὶ Ἐπιστολαί· Ἰκαώβου μία, Πἐτρου δύω. Ἰωάννου τρεῖς. Ἰούδκ μία· Παύλου ἐπιστολαὶ δεκατέσοαρες· Καὶ ἡ Ἀποκάλυψις. Περὶ τῆς ὁποίας ἀγκαλὰ καὶ λέγει ὁ θεῖος Ἀμφιλόχιος ἐν τοῖς Ἰάμβοις, ὅτι πολλοὶ μὲν ἐγκρίνουσιν ὡς γνησίαν, οἱ περισσότεροι δὲ τὴν κρἰνουσιν ὡς νὀθον. Ὅμως ὠς κανονιζόμενον βιβλίον ταύτην δέχεται ἡ ἐν Καρθαγ. σύνοδος, Καν. λʹ. καὶ ὁ μέγας Ἀθανάσιος ἐν τῇ λθʹ. προρρηθείσῃ ἐπιστολῇ, καὶ ὁ θεῖος Διονύσιος ὁ Ἀρεοπαγίτης, μυστικὴν ἐποψίαν ταύτην ὀνομάζων, καὶ ὁ σχολιαττὴς τοῦ ἁγίου Διονοσίου θεῖος Μάξιμος πολλαχοῦ τῶν σχολίων αὑτοῦ ταύτης μνημονεύουσι. Καὶ ὁ θεῖος Ἱερώνυμος λέγων αὐτὴν τὀ ὑψηλότερον βιβλίον τοῦ κόσμου. Εἰ δὲ καὶ ὁ θεολόγος Γοηγόριος δὲν ἀναφέρει ταύτην εἰς τὰ ἔπη του. ἀλλʼ εἰς τὸν συντκκτἡριον λόγον ὁποῦ κάμνει πρὸς τοὺς ρνʹ. Ἐπισλόπους τῆς βʹ. συνόδου, φσνερῶς ἀνκφέρει αὑτὴν, λέγων· πείθομκι γὰρ ἄλλους (Ἀγγέλους) ἄλλης ἐπιστατεῖν Ἐκκλησίας, ὡς Ἰωάννης διδάσκει με διὰ τῆς Ἀποκαλύψεως. Ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁ Ὡριγένης εἶχεν ἔκθεσιν εἰς τὴν Ἀποκάλυψιν. Μέμνηται αὐτῆς καὶ Κύριλλος ὁ Ἀλεξανδρείας (τελ. 679. τῆς Πετατεύχ.) καὶ Κλήμης ὁ Στρωματεὺς (σελ. 856. τῆς Πεντατ.)· δέχονται αὐτὴν καὶ Ἀπολινάριος, Ἐφραὶμ, Παπίας, Ἰουστῖνος, Εἰρηνατος, Τερτυλλιανὸς, Λακτάντιος, Σεβῆρος, Συλπίχιος, Αὐγουστῖνος, Μεθόδιος, Ἱππόλυτος, Ἀνδρέας ὁ Καισαρείας, καὶ αὑτὴ ἡ Οἰχουμενιχὴ βʹ. σύνοδος, ἕμπροσθεν τῆς ὁποίας ὁ Θεολόγος Γρηγόριος τὸν περἰ τῆς Ἀποκαλύψεως ἀναφέροντα συντακτήριον ἐξεφώνησε λόγον. Ὁ Σάρδεων Μελίτων, καὶ Θεόφιλος ὁ Ἀντιοχείας, καὶ ἅλλοι. Αἱ δύω δὲ τοῦ Κλήμεντος ἐπιστολαὶ, τἀς ὁποίκς ἀνκφέρει ὁ παρὼν Ἀποστολικὸς Κανὼν, πρὸς Κορινθίους εἰσὶν ἐπιστελλόμεναι, ὡς ἀπὸ μέρπους τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ Ἐκκλησίας, καὶ ἐκδεδομέναι ἐν τῇ συλλογῇ τοῦ αʹ. τόμου τῶν Πρακτικῶν τῶν συιόδων, ἐκ τῶν ὁποίων ἡ βʹ. νόθος κρίνεται ἀπὸ τὸν Φώτιον, φύλλ. 156 τῆς Μυριοβίβλου. Αἱ δὲ τῶν Ἀποστόλων Διαταγαὶ, αἵτινες καὶ διδαχὴ τῶν Ἀποστόλων ὀνομάζονται ὑπὸ τοῦ μεγάλου Ἀθανασίου, καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ βʹ. τῆς ϛʹ., ἀπεβλήθησαν μἐν ἀπὸ τὸν βʹ. Κανόνα τῆς Οἰκουμενικῆς ϛʹ. συνόδου, ὡσὰν ὁποῦ ἐνοθεύθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν Αἱρετικῶν· ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὄχι ὅλαι ἐνοθεύθησαν, ἀλλʼ εἰς μέρη τινὰ, διὰ τοῦτο πολλοὶ τῶν Πατέρων καὶ πρὸ τῆς ϛʹ, οἶος μάλιστά ἐστιν ὁ Θεολόγος Γρηγόριος, ἀλλὰ δὴ καὶ ὁ ἱερὸς Μάξιμος, ρητὰ ἐξ αὑτῶν προεχειρίσθηταν. Καὶ ὁ μἐν Θεολόγος ἐν τῷ περὶ τοῦ Πάσχα λόγῳ τῷ, ἐπὶ τῆς φυλακῆς μου στήσομκι, πρόβκτον ἀλληγορὲῖ τὸν Χριστὀν διὰ τὸ τῆς ἀφθαρσίας ἕνδυμα, ὅπερ ρητὸν ἐκ τῶν διατανγῶν ἠραίσθη, κατὰ τὸν Νικήταν, ὁ δὲ θεῖος Μάξιμος περικοπὰς ὁλοκλήρους ἐκ τῶν διαταγῶν μεταχειρίζεται εἰς τὰ τοῦ Διονυσίου σχόλια. Τί λέγω τοὺς μερικούς; αὐτὴ ἡ Οἰκουμενικὴ έ. σύνοδος μαρτυρίαν φέρει ἀπὸ τὰς διαταγὰς, ἐν τῇ τοῦ Ἰουστινιανοῦ ἐπιστολῇ, ὅτι πρέπει ὑπὲρ τῶν τελευτώντων νὰ δίδωνται ἐλεημοσύναι, σελίδι 392. τοῦ βʹ. τόμ. τῆς συλλογῆς τῶν συνόδων. Ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ τὴν ϛʹ. ἐκ τῶν διαταγῶν μαρτυρίαν προεχειρίσθη ἡ ἐν τῇ ἁγίᾳ Σοφίᾳ σύνοδος. Καὶ Μιχαὴλ δὲ ὁ Κηρουλλάριος καὶ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως Πατριάρχης, μετὰ τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν συνόδου, ζῶν ἐν ἔτει 1053, μαρτυρίαν προεχειρίσατο κατὰ τῆς κουρᾶς τῶν γενείων, χειμένην ἐν τῷ αʹ. βιβλ. τῶν Ἀποστολικῶν διαταγ. κεφ. γʹ. οὕτω λέγουσαν· «Οὐκ ἀπομαδαρώσετε τοὺς πώγωνας ὑμῶν· γυναιξὶ γὰρ εὐπρεπὲς ὁ κτίσας ἐποίησε Θεὸς, ἀνδράσι δὲ ἀνάρμοστον ἐδικαίωσε.» Καὶ ὅρα σελ. 978. τοῦ βʹ. τόμ. τῶν συνοδικ. Καὶ νῦν καθὼς εὑρίσκονται τετυπωμέναι, δὲν μοὶ φαίνεται νὰ ἔχουν κᾀνένα νόθον ἢ ἄτοπον. Ὁ δὲ ποιμὴν ὁποῦ ἀναφέρει ὁ μέγας Ἀθανάσιος ἐν τῇ πολλάκις ρηθείσῃ ἐπιστολῇ, βιβλίον ἐστὶ μὴ σωζόμενον εἰς τοὺς καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιρούς. Ἴσως δὲ νὰ ἧτο τοιοῦτον, οἶός ἐστι καὶ ὁ λόγος ὁποῦ κάμνει ὁ τῆς Κλίμακος Ἰωάννης πρὸς τὸν ποιμένα, καὶ συντόμως εἰπεῖν, βιβλίον τοῦτο ἧτο, διδάσκον τὸν ποιμένα τῶν λογικῶν προβάτων, τίνι τρόπῳ νὰ ποιμαίνῃ ταῦτα πρὸς νομὴν σωτηριώδη, καὶ πῶς νὰ φυλάττῃ ταῦτα ἀβλαβῆ ἐκ τῶν ὀνύχων τῶν νοητῶν λύκων, δαιμόνων τε καὶ κακοδόξων ἀκθρώπων. Ἀνήγγειλαν δὲ εἰς ἡμᾶς ὅτι, ὁ ποιμὴν οὗτος εὑρίσκεται β.βλίον παμπάλαιον ἔν τινε Μοναστηρίῳ τῆς Ἐλλάδος, ποίημα Κουάρτου, ἑνὸς τῶν Οʹ. Ἀποστόλων. Τὸν ποιμένα ἀναφέρει καὶ ὁ ἅγος Μάξιμος ἐν τοῖς σχολίοις τοῦ θείου Διονυσίου, ἔστι δὲ τὸ μέγεθος αὐτοῦ, ὅσον ἐστί τὸ τοῦ Ψαλτῆρος. Σημείωσαι ὅτι ὁ νδʹ. τῆς Καρθαγ. κοντὰ εἰς τὰ βίβλία τῆς Παλαιᾶς καὶ Νέας, προστάζει νά ἀναγινώσκωνται, καὶ οἱ βίοι τῶν Μαρτύρων, οἱ τὰ μαρτύρια αὐτῶν περιέχοντες, εἰς τὰς ἡμέρας τῶν ἑορτῶν τους. (Agapios, Orthodox Eastern Church, and Nicodemus, The Rudder: Greek Text [Athēnai: Vlastou Ch. Varvarrētou, 1886], 98-103)

 

 

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