Thursday, May 9, 2024

Herbert W. Basser and Marsha B. Cohen on the Seat of Moses and Matthew 23

  

According to Exod 18:26, Moses did not judge cases, except for those that were too difficult even for the judges. Deut 17:8–11 institutionalized that arrangement for all time: If there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgment, between blood and blood, between plea and plea, and between stroke and stroke, being matters of controversy within thy gates: then shalt thou arise, and get thee up into the place which the Lord thy God shall choose. And thou shalt come unto the priests, the Levites [Scribes?], and unto the judge [Pharisee?] that shall be in those days, and enquire; and they shall teach thee the sentence of judgment. And thou shalt do according to the sentence, which they of that place which the Lord shall choose shall teach thee; and thou shalt observe to do according to all that they inform thee. According to the sentence of the law which they shall teach thee, and according to the judgment which they shall tell thee, thou shalt do: thou shalt not decline from the sentence which they shall teach thee, to the right hand, nor to the left. Jesus understands the High Court to be an institution originally set up by Moses. The problem is not with the teachings of this Court, but rather that its judges set down laws that many of the Pharisees of his own time do not follow. Run-of-the-mill Pharisees justify doing things that differ from, and even contradict, the High Court’s pronouncements. Jesus castigates these Pharisaic leaders for their deviation from the authentic rulings of the High Court, epitomized by the example of oaths and vows, by citing teachings that apparently were very common in his day and age. Two positions emerge as operative: one that Jesus believes came down from a High Court at some point in the past, and another practiced widely by the Pharisaic schools he is castigating. Although Jesus does not say so, the passage in Deuteronomy prescribes the death penalty for those who do not heed the teachings of the High Court. Matthew’s Jesus declares he himself agrees with the Court’s teachings, and criticizes Pharisees for finding both motives and means for disregarding the High Court’s decisions, inventing intricate legal mechanisms that Jesus will now challenge. For the Gospel author, traditions have become muddled, as reflected in the discrepancy between precepts and practices. Deuteronomy 17 had warned against those who refused to follow the Court’s pronouncements.

 

. . .

 

Much has been written on the term “seat of Moses,” speculating about what it refers to: a synagogue seat of authority (which has some archaeological basis); the seat of the president of the High Court; a figure of speech for judicial power; a chair from which lectures were given and various other guesses. To my mind, this is the High Court in Jerusalem which issued binding decrees (“ex cathedra”, speaking anachronistically) in accord with biblical legislation. (Herbert W. Basser with Marsha B. Cohen, The Gospel of Matthew and Judaic Traditions: A Relevance-Based Commentary [The Brill Reference Library of Judaism 46; Leiden, Brill, 2015], 585, 593)

 

Philip Zhakevich on עֵץ 'etz in Ezekiel 37

Commenting on the use of ‎עֵץ 'etz in Ezek 37, Philip Zhakevich wrote that:

 

Writing on wooden sticks is attested from the ancient world, especially from ancient South Arabia (modern day northern Yemen). There are about seven thousand inscriptions, known as minuscule inscriptions, that appear on wooden sticks and are written in Old South Arabian. Dating from the end of the tenth century BCE through the fifth century CE, the minuscule inscriptions consist of writing carved on sticks and palm leaf stocks that are about 4–8 inches in length; these inscriptions consist of letters, legal documents, name lists, writing exercises, and records from religious practices (Drewes and Ryckmans 2016; Drewes et al. 2013, 201; Stein 2005, 183–84). Stein (2005, 184) contends that such wooden pieces would have been the most common form of communication in ancient South Arabia due to the affordability and availability of such material. The process of writing on a stick as depicted in Ezek 37:15–20 may be comparable to the practice of engraving sticks with writing as was done in ancient South Arabia. This process involved etching words on a wooden stick with a metal tool or a stone point that was suitable for incising wood (see figure 4.7). We should note, however, that the writing depicted in Ezek 37 is comparable to the minuscule inscriptions only in regard to the process of carving words on a wooden stick. In content and length, the writing in Ezek 37 is quite different from the minuscules. The former consists of a couple names, whereas the latter involve lengthier texts. (Philip Zhakevich, Scribal Tools in Ancient Israel: A Study of Biblical Hebrew Terms for Writing Materials and Implements [History, Archaeology, and Culture of the Levant; University Park, Pa.: Eisenbrauns,2020], 121)

 

Here is figure 4.7 referenced above:



 Do note, I am not using this to support the common LDS interpretation of Ezek 37; I am pretty adamant that it is not a direct prophecy of the Book of Mormon, something I have discussed on this blog; on this, see:










The use of לוּחַ in the text of Ezekiel 37:16 of Targum Jonathan

Wednesday, May 8, 2024

L. Ann Jervis on Paul Not Believing God Exists Outside of Time

  

The Exalted Christ, Like God, Is a Temporal Being

 

Paul describes the exalted Christ living with God. The apostle says that Christ is at God’s right hand (Rom. 8:34; also Col. 3:1), that God has highly exalted Christ (Phil. 2:9), and that Christ is currently in heaven (Phil. 3:20; 1 Thess. 1:10). Since the ascended Christ lives with God, presumably Paul conceived of Christ living God’s temporality.

 

Though Paul describes God as having eternal power (Rom. 1:20), nowhere does the apostle say that Christ lives in, or is, eternity. Unlike Isaiah, Paul does not say that God “inhabits eternity” (Isa. 57:15). Nor does Paul state, as does Augustine, “Domine, cum tua sit aeternitas” You, God, are, eternity). It is important to recognize what Paul does not say in order to guard against simply assuming that he shared the classical Christian understanding of God and eternity; that understanding being that God lives eternity, which is non-time, non-change—a now containing all moments at once. Augustine, for instance, defined eternity as a “never-ending present.” For the great theologian, to live eternity means that all past time and all future time is at once. This is, in effect, non-time. Ephraim Rader rightly describes patristic exegesis as understanding God’s reality to be “non-temporal.”

 

Though Paul often expresses his desire for God to be blessed for ever and ever, exhibiting his conviction about God’s endless duration, the nature of God’s duration is not eternal timelessness and non-change. Rather, Paul’s letters indicate that he understood the eternal God to live a temporal existence in which there is past, present, and future, though for God these tenses are nonsequential. God knows all events or moments, whether they are past or future. Paul’s statement that God passed over formerly committed sins (Rom. 3:25) indicates that such an understanding of God’s temporality: though the sins are in the past, God can pass over them. Likewise, Paul’s statement in Romans 1:2 that God announced the gospel in advance to his prophets in the holy writings indicates that the apostle did not conceive of God living tenses sequentially as do humans.

 

Paul’s notion of God’s capacity to know all time at once does not, however, entail that Paul understood God to live in a static existence—at least in relation to God’s creation. (L. Ann Jervis, Paul and Time: Life in the Temporality of Christ [Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2023], 64-66; note that man is also said to inhabit eternity in Psa 37:29)

 

God’s Tenses

 

Paul speaks in tenses about God’s activity. For instance, Paul writes that God condemned (κατεκρινεν) sin in the flesh through the sending of God’s Son (Rom. 8:3). Paul writes that God sent (εξαποστειλεν) God’s Son (Gal. 4:4). God raised Christ (ηγειρεν; 1 Cor. 15:15). These past tenses signal divinely initiated events form the perspective of human time, yet I propose that Paul also thinks they are a true representation of God’s history with creation (though, again, tenses in God’s life are not confining).

 

That Paul thinks that God has a history with creation may be evident in his curious mention of “the fullness of time” (Gal. 4:4), as if God were watching the χρονος for the right moment to send God’s Son. The phrase conveys something other than that God and time are separate, with God watching time from a detached atemporality. The fullness of time allows for a cosmic shift for humanity form slavery to το στοιχεια του κοσμου (“the elemental spirits of the world”) to the possibility of adoption as God’s children (4:3-5), a shift comparable of inheriting (4:1-2). God is the generator of this cosmic shift. God is also intimately connected with it. God sends God’s own spirit into the hearts of God’s adopted, crying “Abba! Father!” (4:6)

 

In the present, God tests hearts and is a witness to Paul’s exemplary behavior (1 Thess. 2:4, 10). In the future, God will bring to completion the good work that God began (Phil. 1:6). God’s evident activity in human time indicates a divine eventful temporality, an active temporality that produces change—at least between God and God’s creation. Being God, however, God lives eventful, changeful temporality without the blinkers and boundaries of tenses as humanity experiences tenses. Paul understands God to live tenses, although not in the way that humans do, for God does not know incompleteness, as tenses in chronological time imply. Paul does not conceive of God’s temporality as in any way limited by its tenses. For God, the past, present, and future are one, but nevertheless they are still pats, present, and future rather than a singular Now. God’s tenses do not function chronologically. God’s past, present, and future are not sequential or discrete. The past and future are always in the present for God. It is as if God looks at God’s past, present, and future from a vantage point that allows God to see all of God’s time (in addition to human time) at once. This perspective does not, however, collapse God’s tenses into a tenseless Now. The fact that Paul believes that the living God acts to change the circumstances between God and God’s creation indicates such. (Ibid., 69-70)

 

L. Ann Jervis on Paul's Theology of Baptism in Romans 6

  

In Romans, Paul states that believers are baptized into Christ’s death; in fact, believers were buried with Christ by means of their baptism into death (Rom. 6:2-4). Union with Christ means direct access to moments in Christ’s incarnated past: Christ’s death and burial. This is the case not because believers travel to Christ’s past but because Christ’s past is present and can be known in human present tenses. The apostle writes that believers are organically united (συμφυτοι) in the likeness of Christ’s death (6:5). “Likeness” signals that believers share in the benefits but not the work of Christ’s death. Those who are in Christ’s death are, then, co-planted in a similar though nonidentical death. Christ’s death is unique in that he is the first human to die to sin “once for all (time)” (6:10)—and so to be liberated from death (6:9). Yet while Christ’s death is stupendously singular and unrepeatable—a point Paul does not want missed—it is not locked in the past, nor is it simply an event that has continuing effects. Christ’s death may be entered and shared subsequent to that event. Paul underscores this in the first part of Romans 6: the old person of believers has been co-crucified with Christ (6:6); believers have died with Christ (6:8). (L. Ann Jervis, Paul and Time: Life in the Temporality of Christ [Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2023], 81-82)

 

L. Ann Jervis on Transformative Justification in 1 Corinthians 6

  

Paul uses hope for inheritance of the kingdom of God as a spur for the Corinthians to act in accordance with the righteousness they have been given. In 1 Corinthians 6:11, the apostle states that the Corinthians have been made righteous in the name of Christ. He warns that the αδικοι (“unrighteous, wrongdoers”) will not inherit God’s kingdom (6:9). It is those who have been made righteous who will inherit the kingdom. It is not necessary for the purposes of this investigation to discuss whether αδικοι refers to those who are within the church, yet act unrighteously, or to those outside the church. (L. Ann Jervis, Paul and Time: Life in the Temporality of Christ [Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2023], 53, emphasis added)

 

Examples of 16th-century Roman Catholic and Protestant Interpretations of Galatians 5:6

The following comes from:

 

Anthony N. S. Lane, Regensburg Article 5 on Justification: Inconsistent Patchwork or Substance of True Doctrine? (Oxford Studies in Historical Theology; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020), 183-89

 

§4:5. Ita quod fides quidem iustificans est illa fides, quae est efficax per caritatem [Gal 5:6].

 

Therefore the faith that truly justifies is that faith which is effectual through love [Gal 5:6].

 

The sinner is justified “per fidem vivam et efficacem” in §4:1. The significance of the last word is spelt out here by the quotation of Galatians 5:6.

 

Gropper states in his Enchiridion that justifying faith “is always effectual through love,”262 and works through love.263 The Worms Draft §43 = Gropper’s Draft §4 also state that justifying faith “is effectual and performs every good work through love.” The same thought appears in Gropper’s Warhafftige Antwort.264 In his Institutio Catholica Gropper argues that the only faith that justifies is faith formed by love (fides informata charitate).265

 

Contarini also argues in his Epistola that the faith which justifies is efficax per charitatem and significantly sees this as equivalent to fides formata per charitatem.266 In another letter he again argues that a faith that is effectual through love (efficax per charitatem) and that works through love (per dilectionem operatur) (Gal 5:6) is equivalent to fides formata per charitatem, the difference being that the word formata is found neither in Scripture nor in the fathers, its origin being Aristotle, not the gospel.267 But Dittrich correctly notes that Contarini has in mind “not a faith that is already before justification combined with caritas as an act, but such a faith that is combined with caritas as a disposition (habitus) after justification has taken place and comes in this disposition to its goal and completion.”268 In the Scholia Contarini states that “faith precedes the receiving of the Spirit, and love (charitas) is that Spirit himself.”269

 

Eck’s Draft refers to “this living and effectual faith,” the faith which according to Paul “works through love,” noting that in the schools this is called a “formed faith” (fides formata; §5). He later comments that Article 5 is acceptable if living faith means a faith that works through love. Just as the body is dead without the soul, so faith without love is dead and unformed (informis). So what is said about faith in the article must be understood to refer to fides formata— otherwise we have “the opinion of Melanchthon, not the Church.”270 According to Pflug’s notes, in the debates Eck had conceded that “living and effectual (efficax) faith justifies.” This means that faith cannot justify without the assistance of grace and of love. Faith is not “living and effectual” before there is love, as is shown by 1 Corinthians 13.271 In his Enchiridion Eck states that in the usage of Scripture, to believe in God includes “cleaving to God through love.”272 Bucer quotes this passage of Eck in his 1533 Furbereytung zum Concilio to make the point that justification by faith does not mean justification without love.273

 

Pighius, unlike many of his fellow Catholics, acknowledged that the Protestants taught that true saving faith is fruitful in good works, and is incompatible with mortal sin. This implies a faith that is formed by love (fidem charitate formatam), a faith that works through love (per dilectionem operatur). He could not understand, therefore, why the Protestants could not embrace these formulae.274 Pighius would have applauded §4:5. The Tridentine Decree on Justification insists that faith is ineffective unless hope and love are added to it (ch. 7, can. 11), but without using the words efficax or formata, in keeping with the council’s aim to avoid technical language.

 

Neuser refers to §4:5 as “fully Catholic and unacceptable to the Evangelicals.”275 In this he is following the view of Erhard Schnepf at the colloquy. Schnepf objected to the translation of Galatians 5:6 as “faith, which is effectual through love,” rather than the “old” translation, “faith which works through love.” His objection was that the new translation implies that faith receives its power from love and therefore that it is love that turns faith into fides formata, as the scholastics saw it. This is simply to support the ancient error of the papists against which the Reformers had struggled for so long.276 Despite these reservations, the sentence is almost a quotation from Calvin’s words of 1539: “we confess with Paul that no other faith justifies except one that is effectual through love (charitate efficacem).”277 It is true that Calvin immediately proceeds to qualify this: “But it does not take its power to justify from that working of love. Indeed, it justifies in no other way but in that it leads us into fellowship with the righteousness of Christ.” Substantially the same qualification is found in the sentence that follows in Article 5 (§4:6). It must be conceded, however, that this was not Calvin’s normal way of speaking. The idea of fides efficax comes only this once in the Institutio and in response to Catholic teaching. Thus this is something that Calvin conceded rather than chose to teach of his own accord,278 but nonetheless it is a (terminological) concession that he had already made in his Institutio before the Regensburg Colloquy, and one that he did not withdraw after the colloquy. He was more ready to refer to the need for faith to be “living” (§4:1, 4) of his own accord,279 not just when making a concession to an opponent, as in the passage quoted above.280

 

Bucer goes further than Calvin and in his Psalms Commentary supports the teaching of justification fide formata.281 He returned to the issue after Regensburg, in his De vera . . . reconcilatione et compositione. He objected to Aquinas’s view, based on the distinction between fides informis and fides formata, that love is accidental to faith and does not pertain to the substance of faith. He admits that the conjunction between love and dead faith is accidental, but insists that this conjunction is a natural one where true and living

faith is concerned. In other words, there can be no true faith that is not conjoined with righteousness and other virtues.282 Calvin opposed the Catholic distinction between fides formata and fides informis, but on the ground that an “unformed faith” is not worthy of the name faith. Without godliness, fear of God, and godly affection there is no true faith.283 He objected to the idea that we are justified fide formata not because he imagined that the faith that justifies can be “unformed” but because it could be used to teach that it is the good works done in faith that justify.284

 

After the colloquy Bucer continued to affirm that faith and love go together and that justification comes “with the sort of faith that is active through love, unto all good works.”285 In his Warhafftige Antwort, however, Gropper affirmed that justifying faith must be a living faith that is vigorous (krefftig) through love, and stated that both before and after the colloquy Bucer had been constrained to part company with his master Luther and accept that “we become justified, pious, and blessed, not through a barren, workless faith, but through a true living faith, that is active through love.”286 Bucer was annoyed by this “blatant falsehood . . . which [Gropper] wrote in folio 41 of his deceitful (calumnioso) book,” namely that Luther taught justification “through a faith that is barren and ineffectual for good works,” and that the other Protestants were inclined to follow him. Bucer insists that an examination of their writings will show that the Protestants consistently teach that while it is only faith that justifies, justification does not come through a faith that is stripped bare of the pursuit of good works and is ineffectual for good works. Speaking for all Protestants he affirms: “we preach always, eloquently and with a clear voice, that a faith that is not conjoined with love, that is not involved in the pursuit of good works, is not the real and living faith of the gospel, which makes us children of God.”287

 

Melanchthon had reservation about the use of the term efficax, as we have seen under §4:1. In his Apology he attacks the scholastic concept of faith “formed by love,” which he maintains leads to attributing justification to love alone (tantum dilectioni).288 But this does not prevent him from shortly afterwards affirming that justifying faith is faith that is effectual through love (fides per dilectionem efficax), quoting Galatians 5:6 slightly differently from here, but with the key word efficax.289 Melanchthon’s issue was not with the need of justifying faith to be efficax but with the way in which the “other side” were interpreting it. In other words, Melanchthon objected not to the actual content of §4:1, 5, but to the way in which it was being (mis- ) interpreted, to its potential for abuse. In fact, the next sentence clearly refutes such misinterpretations. Our acceptance and reconciliation are “not on account of the worthiness or perfection of the righteousness communicated to us in Christ,” that is, not on the basis of an infused disposition of love. Rather, faith justifies not by being meritorious or giving birth to merit but because “it appropriates the mercy and righteousness which is imputed to us on account of Christ and his merit” (§4:6).290

 

Luther took exception to this sentence. He claimed that the two ideas of justification by faith alone without works (Rom 3) and faith working through love (Gal 5) had been thrown together and glued together (“zu samen gereymet und geleymet”). This is like sewing a new patch onto an old garment (Matt 9).291 Yet elsewhere, in his debate with Melancthon, he states bluntly that “faith is effectual, otherwise it is not faith.”292

 

What is Luther’s concern? He distinguishes between two questions: how we become righteous and how the righteous should live. Galatians 5:6, he states, is about the latter, not the former.293 This point is explained fully in his 1535 Commentary on Galatians 5:6. Luther rejects the claims of his opponents that the verse teaches that faith justifies through love or that faith makes us acceptable through love. This he denies, together with the idea that it is love that makes us acceptable. Luther is very happy with, and affirms, the idea of faith working through love as a description of “how the righteous should live.” What he rejects vehemently is the idea that love has a role to play in “how we become righteous.” Paul “says that works are done on the basis of faith through love, not that a man is justified through love.” He represents Paul as stating that “It is true that faith alone justifies, without works; but I am speaking about genuine faith, which, after it has justified, will not go to sleep but is active through love.”294 The same distinction between the two questions comes elsewhere in the commentary. Thus he insists that Galatians 2:16 is not about how we should live but about how we are justified. The answer to that question is “solely by faith in Christ, not by works of the Law or by love.” We are justified by faith alone, “without love and before love,” not by faith formed by love.295

 

So what is Luther’s problem with this sentence? He claims that Article 5 teaches that we are justified not by faith alone but also through works or through love and grace, which the Catholics call inherent. This is false because before God only Christ is completely pure and holy.296 But is Luther’s interpretation fair to the article? Taking this sentence out of context it would appear to be fair, but not if we take §4:3– 5 as a whole. Living faith appropriates mercy and imputed righteousness in Christ and also receives the Holy Spirit, who infuses love. Justifying faith is “that faith which is effectual through love” not because the love and good works play a role in appropriating justification but because they are gifts received at the same time as justification. Luther’s accusation is unfair. Von Loewenich rightly observes that Luther has “grossly misinterpreted” Article 5 on this point.297 Why would he have done that? He was writing at a time when Eck was verbally claiming that the article teaches justification by love. It is in the light of that claim that Luther makes the charges that he does. But when he comes to write on Article 5, Eck takes a very different line, branding it as a harmful, maimed, mutilated, infantile declaration. Eck’s earlier verbal claim is not be understood as a serious exposition of what Article 5 actually teaches, but as Eck’s attempt to defend that fact that he had given his assent to it.298 It is unfortunate that this gross misrepresentation of Article 5 stoked the fears of some Protestants then and is still taken seriously today by people who ought instead to look carefully at what the article actually teaches.

 

At the Worms Colloquy the theologians of electoral Brandenburg in a report/opinion (Gutachten) commented that the scholastic term fides formata presupposes the understanding of faith as a mere notion (notitia) so that love (called justifying grace) is our formal righteousness. When the Augsburg Confession states that we are justified freely by faith, it means not a mere notion but the work of the Spirit regenerating and sanctifying people. This faith is not without virtues, and it cannot coexist with mortal sin.299 The same day (15 December) the theologians of electoral Palatinate used a briefer version of this in a report.300 That saving faith cannot coexist with mortal sin is taught in the Apology,301 and reiterated in Articles 6 and 20 of the 1540 variata secunda of the Augsburg Confession.302 Luther affirmed the same in his 1535 Lectures on Galatians.303

 

Lexutt expresses surprise that the article dispenses with the sola fide formula, and suggests that this might be because to use it in conjunction with the efficax per caritatem formula is to pervert the Reformation understanding of sola.304 Leaving aside the fact that the article does give (qualified) approval of sola fide in §10, Bucer and Calvin clearly did not think that they were perverting the Reformation understanding when they insisted that justifying faith is efficax per caritatem. Zur Mühlen, more perceptively, argues that the juxtaposition of §§4:5 and 4:6 met the requirements of both sides, but left open the question of how fides efficax per caritatem was to be reconciled with the imputation of righteousness on account of Christ and his merit.305

 

Notes for the Above:

 

262 Enchiridion, 172b; cf. 176a.

 

263 Enchiridion, 122a, 173b, 174b.

 

264 Warhafftige Antwort, 41b, drawing on the earlier Artikell (9b).

 

265 Institutio Catholica, 554.

 

266 CC 7:29; cf. 33.

 

267 Contarini to an unnamed cardinal (22 July) in Brieger, “Zur Correspondenz Contarini’s während seiner deutschen Legation,” 517– 18. Summary in Regesten, 218. Also in Beccadelli, Monumenti di Varia Letteratura I/ 2, 187. In his Scholia on Col 2:2– 7, Contarini states that “fides inchoat, et charitas perficit hoc spirituale aedificium” (Gasparis Contareni Cardinalis Opera, 499A). See also Pauselli, “Note sugli Scholia di Gasparo Contarini ad Efesini e Galati,” 141– 42.

 

268 Dittrich, Gasparo Contarini, 654, cf. 675. Cf. Rückert, Die theologische Entwicklung Gasparo Contarinis, 83: justifying faith leads to love, “aber das geschieht erst in der Rechtfertigung selbst; soweit also der Glaube auf sie vorbereitet, ist er ohne Liebe.”

 

269 Gasparis Contareni Cardinalis Opera, 481A, on Galatians 5:22– 26. The text has spiritus, not Spiritus.

 

270 Eck, Responsum in Dittrich (ed.), “Miscellanea Ratisbonensia,” 14; Pollet, “Die Lehre der Rechtfertigung in den unedierten Werken von Julius Pflug,” 69; ADRG 3/ I:577. In his December 1540 report/ opinion on the Augsburg Confession, he affirms that the living faith that justifies “per

dilectionem operatur” (ARC 3:307; ADRG 2/ I:541).

 

271 ADRG 3/ I:84.

 

272 Enchiridion locorum communium adversus Lutherum et alios hostes ecclesiae, ed. Fraenkel, 98; ET: Eck, Enchiridion of Commonplaces Against Luther and Other Enemies of the Church, 59.

 

273 Furbereytung zum Concilio, D1a.

 

274 From the manuscript of his De nostrae salutis et redemptionis mysterio et quibus modis gratiam iustificationis assequimur contra Confessionis Augustanae auctores vera et catholica assertio (complete by March 1540), as cited by Jedin, Studien über die Schriftstellertätigkeit Albert Pigges, 103.

 

275 Neuser, “Calvins Urteil über den Rechtfertigungsartikel des Regensburger Buches,” 187.

 

276 ADRG 3/ II:514.

 

277 Institutio 3:11:20.

 

278 In the French translation “charitate efficacem” becomes “conoincte avec charité.” But this might simply be due to Calvin’s practice of minimising technical language in his French translations.

 

279 Institutio 3:2:42; 3:14:8.

 

280 At n. 277 above.

 

281 S. Psalmorum Libri Quinque ad Ebraicam Veritatem Versi, et Familiari Explanatione Elucidati (1529), 28a– 29a. In the next edition there are changes in wording, but the support for fide formata remains (Sacrorum Psalmorum Libri Quinque, ad Ebraicam Veritatem Genuina Versione in Latinum Traducti (1532), 21a– b). See further on this under §10, below.

 

282 DVRC, 140a. I am not aware that Bucer ever cites Gal 5:6 in this work.

 

283 Institutio 3:2:8– 10.

 

284 Institutio 3:15:7.

 

285 Wie leicht unnd füglich, 16– 17, 138. Cf. Bestendige Verantwortung, 46a; Constans Defensio, 94.

 

286 Warhafftige Antwort, 24b, 41b, echoing Bucer as quoted in the previous footnote.

 

287 De concilio, sigs. o4b– p1a; cf. p2b– 3a. Similarly Von den einigen rechten wegen, 89.

 

288 BSELK 313, 315; Kolb and Wengert 138 (4:109).

 

289 BSELK 315; Kolb and Wengert 139 (4:111).

 

290 Brieger, De Formulae Concordiae Ratisbonensis Origine atque Indole, 24– 33, likewise interprets the efficax of §4:1, 5 in the light of §4:2, 4, 6 and concludes that despite some of the language used, §4 is in full harmony with Evangelical doctrine.

 

291 Luther and Bugenhagen to Johann Friedrich (10/ 11 May) in WA Br. 9:407– 408; ADRG 3/ I:170.

 

292 Bindseil (ed.), Philippi Melanchthonis Epistolae, Iudicia, Consilia, Testimonia aliorumque ad eum Epistolae quae in Corpore Reformatorum desiderantur, 347; WA Br. 12:193. On this debate, see Chapter 4, above, n. 23.

 

293 Bindseil (ed.), Philippi Melanchthonis Epistolae, Iudicia, Consilia, Testimonia aliorumque ad

eum Epistolae quae in Corpore Reformatorum desiderantur, 347; WA Br. 12:193.

 

294 WA 40/ 2:34– 39; LW 27:28– 31.

 

295 WA 40/ 1:239– 40; LW 26:137.

 

296 Luther and Bugenhagen to Johann Friedrich (10/ 11 May) in WA Br. 9:407– 408; ADRG 3/ I:170.

 

297 Von Loewenich, Duplex Iustitia: Luthers Stellung zu einer Unionsformel des 16. Jahrhunderts, 49.

 

298 See chapter 2, above, at n. 72.

 

299 ARC 3:321– 22; ADRG 2/ I:545. Earlier published in Lipgens, “Theologischer Standort fürstlicher Räte im sechzehnten Jahrhundert,” 47– 48. On this see zur Mühlen, “Die Edition der Akten und Berichte der Religionsgespräche von Hagenau und Worms 1540/ 41,” 60– 61.

 

300 ARC 3:323; ADRG 2/ I:549. Earlier published in Lipgens, “Theologischer Standort fürstlicher Räte im sechzehnten Jahrhundert,” 49. On this see zur Mühlen, “Die Edition der Akten und Berichte der Religionsgespräche von Hagenau und Worms 1540/ 41,” 61.

 

301 BSELK 295, 315, 325; Kolb and Wengert 131, 139, 142– 43 (4:64, 115, 143– 44).

 

302 BSELK QuM1:126, 137.

 

303 WA 40/ 2:34– 35; LW 27:28.

 

304 Lexutt, Rechtfertigung im Gespräch, 253– 54.

 

305 Zur Mühlen, “Die Einigung über den Rechtfertigungsartikel auf dem Regensburger Religionsgespräch,” 342– 43. Similarly, zur Mühlen, “ ‘Die Gemeinsame Erklärung zur Rechtfertigung 1997’ im Lichte der Religionsgespräche von Hagenau, Worms und Regensburg 1540/ 41,” 97.

Tuesday, May 7, 2024

Joan Cecelia Campbell on Ancient (and Biblical) Understandings of Reproduction and Half-Siblings

  

Does the female discharge semen as the male does, which would mean that the object formed is a single mixture produced from two semens, or is there no discharge of semen from the female? And if there is none, then does the female contribute nothing whatever to generation, merely providing a place where generation may happen, or does it contribute something else, and if so, how and in what manner does it do so? . . . This much then is evident: the menstrual fluid is a residue, and it is the analogous thing in females to the semen in males. . . . [T]he residue which goes to produce those characteristics in males is in females discharged together with the menstrual fluid. . . . Now it is impossible that any creature should produce two seminal secretions at once, and so as the secretion in females which answers to semen in males is the menstrual fluid, it obviously follows that the female does not contribute any semen to generation (Aristotle Generation of Animals 1.19.726a.30-35; 727a.1 4, 15-20, 25-30).

 

Since the woman contributes no “semen,” the male represents, according to Aristotle, the true human author of life. This conviction also underlies many classical Greek myths that describe parthenogenetic birth to males. Moreover, from the thirteenth century onwards, the Aristotelian view greatly impacted the western understanding of human generation, in large degree because of Aquinas’s espousal of this Aristotelian teaching.

 

All of this suggests that the view of paternity delineated by Delaney exercised tremendous influence for several centuries. Even so, it remains to establish the relevance of this longstanding interpretation of the roles of the female and male in procreation in the present investigation of the identity of the Johannine brothers of Jesus.

 

In First Corinthians, Paul twice mentions that women originate from men: γυνὴ ἐξ ἀνδρός (1 Cor 11:8) and γυνὴ ἐκ τοῦ ἀνδρός (1 Cor 11:12). He also states (1 Cor 11:8) that men do not originate from women (οῦ γάρ ἐστιν ἀνὴρ ἐκ γυναικὸς) but are διὰ τῆς γυναικὸς. Critics maintain that Paul is alluding to the creation of humanity, particularly to the second chapter of Genesis, which describes how God creates the woman through the man. While this is highly probable, implicit in Paul’s argument is the belief that in procreation the male is the creative agent that begets female (and male). Paul does state that the male comes through the female (1Cor 11:8), but this is simply a reference to the process of childbirth. The preposition διά does not denote creative causality on the part of the woman.

 

The belief that the male represents the sole causative agent in the formation of a child naturally leads to the conclusion that children represent the offspring of their fathers and only of their fathers. This notion is expressed by Abraham as he explains to King Abimelech why he earlier claimed that his wife Sarah was his sister: “She is indeed my sister, the daughter of my father but not the daughter of my mother, and she became my wife” (Gen 20:12). According to the biblical writer, Sarah is Abraham’s sister because they have the same father. Whether or not they were born of the same mother is irrelevant. The implication is that the male is the essential agent in parenthood.

 

In a similar fashion, the Hebrew Scriptures describe brothers as males who have the same father, but not necessarily the same mother. The sons of Jacob, for example, are repeatedly referred to as brothers (Gen 37:4-5, 9-14, 16, 26-27) even though Jacob has two wives—Leah and Rachel—as well as two concubines—Zilpah and Bilhah. Solomon, the son of Bathsheba, is referred to as the brother of Adonijah, the son of Haggith (1 Kgs 1:10; 2:15, 21-22) as well as the brother of Absalom (1 Kgs 2:7), the son of Maacah (2 Sam 3:3). All three men are thought to have the same father, David, but different mothers. Again, the point is that sisters and brothers are identified as such because they are believed to have the same biological father. (Joan Cecelia Campbell, Kinship Relations in the Gospel of John [The Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series 42; Washington, D.C.: The Catholic Biblical Association of America, 2007], 53-54)

 

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