Tuesday, December 2, 2025

The Medieval Doctrine of "in sola virgine"

In his commentary on the Song of Solomon, Alan of Lille (d. 1202/1203) wrote:

 

Tell me, you whom my soul loves. (Song 1:6)

 

This refers to the time of the passion, and [these] are the words of the Virgin to Christ. When at the time of the Passion the disciples defected from faith, the Virgin was not retreating from the stand of faith. She was wondering then among whom she might be at peace through faith, whom she might incorporate to herself, spiritually. (In Praise of the Virgin Mary, The God-Bearer: Alan of Lille’s Concise Elucidation of the Song of Songs [trans. Ann W. Astell; Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 2025], 16)

 

The translator, Ann W. Astell, provides us the following note:

 

Alan here expresses the commonly held belief in sola virgine—namely the belief that the Virgin alone upheld the faith of the church in Christ’s divinity at the time of his crucifixion and death. As the sole believer, she effectively constituted the church on earth and sought others to join her in the faith, incorporating them as members of the church and accepting them as her children in Christ. Incorporation into the church as Christ’s Body includes the idea of being in communion with Christ and Christians in faith and sacrament. Because Mary gave a human body and a human nature to the Son at his Incarnation, incorporation into the church as Christ’s Mystical Body is also an incorporation into Mary, the Mother of God and Mother of the church.

 

Aswell, in this note, also provides references to the works of Joseph Clifford Fenton and Jesse D. Mann that further discuss the in sola virgine teaching.

 

Commenting on the Mariology of Juan de Torquemada (Turrecremata) (1388-1468), Joseph Clifford Fenton noted that:

 

The true Church of Jesus Christ recognizes in Mary's faith the exemplar and the cause of that belief in God or acceptance of His message which is to be found among the children of men. Mary's faith is the exemplar for the virtue and the act of faith among men precisely because it is and it always will have been the most perfect and laudable in the history of God's supernatural kingdom. Other virtues, as, for instance, that of charity, existed in the human nature of Our Lord Jesus Christ, and are to be found in Him in a perfection utterly greater than that in which they exist in any other person. Thus these virtues find their highest expression in Our Lord. The model or the supreme embodiment of these virtues is to be found in Him rather than in any other.

 

Such, however, is not the case with regard to the virtue of divine faith. Because of the fact that He enjoyed the beatific vision, faith could never exist in Our Lord's human nature. We must look elsewhere, then, for the most perfect embodiment of this particular virtue. And, since the spiritual perfection of Mary is ineffably higher than that of any other creature, the highest perfection or intensity of divine faith is to be found in the earthly life of Our Lady. Her faith is thus the exemplar or the model for the faith of all men.

 

It must be understood also that Our Lady's faith is not only the exemplar, but also in a very definite way the instrumental cause of faith and of all the other supernatural benefits which have come to the human race through the passion and death of Christ. It is a commonplace of Catholic Mariology that it was precisely by her consent to the Incarnation that Mary obtained the position in which she could function as the Mediatrix of all graces, the position in which she could be said to be the instrumental cause of the granting of the grace of faith and of all other graces to the children of men. Yet, alluding precisely to this act of acceptance, St. Elizabeth designated Our Lady as "beata quae credidisti."

 

Indeed, as St. Luke describes it in his Gospel, Our Lady's assent to the Incarnation was an act of divine faith commanded, of course, by charity. "Blessed art thou that hast believed," were the words St. Elizabeth spoke to her. It is likewise important to note that the priest Zachary was stricken with a temporary dumbness because he did not believe when the angel of God brought a message to him. In both instances faith or belief was the response demanded by God Himself from the persons to whom the angel carried His communication.

 

Thus it was through an act of faith that Mary became the mother of Christ, the Incarnate Word. By the selfsame act, she became the mother of Christ in His mystical body, the Catholic Church. The faith of Mary was, in the designs of God's providence, instrumental in bringing into existence the society which is correctly designated as the congregatio fidelium. By reason of this causality Mary is correctly and properly designated as the cause and the basis of the Church's belief, as the defender of the faith. It is for this cause that the Church hails her as the one "who alone has overcome all heresies throughout the entire world."

 

. . .

 

One of the most interesting and enlightening sections of theological teaching about Our Lady's faith and about her influence upon the faith of the Catholic Church is to be found in the writings of the classical ecclesiologists, from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century. The great Dominican Cardinal John de Turrecremata, teaching about the permanence or indefectibility of the Church, held that during the period that intervened between Our Lord's death and His resurrection the Blessed Virgin was the only creature in whom the true faith of Christ was to be found in its entirety and purity.

 

. . .

 

. . . according to Turrecremata, there was a time during which the actual Church militant consisted solely in the Blessed Virgin herself. He mentions with manifest approval the dictum of Durandus, according to whom the last candle in the tenebrae ceremonies "signifies the faith of Christ, which remained in the Virgin alone, through whom afterwards all of the faithful have been instructed and enlightened." (Joseph Clifford Fenton, “The Function of Our Lady’s Faith in the Catholic Church,” Marian Studies 1, no. 13 [1950]: 138-39, 140, 141)

 

In her essay, Jesse D. Mann wrote the following:

 

Few ideas are as closely associated with the fourteenth-century English Franciscan William of Ockham (d. 1347) as the notion that “the faith did not remain solely with the Virgin” (Non in sola Virgine tunc remansit fides) or that the true church could subsist in a single person. This view, sometimes referred to as “remnant ecclesiology” and occasionally seen as a consequence of Ockham’s nominalism, occurs repeatedly in the friar’s writings, most notably in his influential Dialogus. At least two times in that lengthy work, Ockham linked his “remnant ecclesiology” to a specific instance of popular Marian devotion. For example, in Dialogus 1.2.25, he wrote, “They say that if only one should dissent, then such a truth should not be accepted, because the entire faith of the church can exist in one individual, just as the entire faith of the church remained solely in the Blessed Virgin at the time of Christ’s passion.” And, again in Dialogus 1.5.23, “some say that the faith of the church could remain even in the laity; indeed certain ones say that it could even be preserved in women, just as it was preserved solely in Christ’s mother at the time of his passion.”

 

Of course, as these examples themselves suggest, the idea that Mary alone preserved the faith during Christ’s Passion clearly antedated Ockham and the fourteenth century. According to Karl Binder, this tradition grew out of the parallel between Mary and Eve drawn by patristic authors such as Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Ambrose, and Augustine. For just as Eve was instrumental in humanity’s fall, Mary, the model of faith, was instrumental in humanity’s redemption; and just as Eve was the mother of all, Mary was the mother of all Christians. Relatedly, many of these same patristic authors also drew a parallel between Mary and the church. Ambrose, for example, not only saw in Mary a “type” of the church (typus ecclesiae), but also identified her faith with that of the church itself. Similar notions can be found in Augustine and in the Greek fathers, as well.

 

. . .

 

Odo of Ourscamp (d. 1171) seems to have been the first to combine these elements expressly. In his Quaestiones (c. 1160), Odo wrote, “shaken by the passion, Mary Magdelene, along with the disciples, lost her faith; [and] we believe that the Lord’s mother alone was immune from their incredulity.” Subsequent authors such as Phillip the Chancellor (d. 1236) and Caesarius of Heisterbach (d. 1240) stated the “in the virgin alone” (in sola Virgine) theme even more explicitly and also added several new elements to the tradition. To wit, in his Summa de bono, Phillip wrote: “thus they say that the church existed solely in the Virgin whose faith endured during the Passion; and it is for this reason, they say, that she is commemorated on Saturday.” Likewise, Caesarius noted in his Exposiuncula cum addimento that “Saturday is rightly specially dedicated to her and designated for her veneration [for] the immoveable pillar of the catholic faith remained in her alone....... In that time [i.e., during Christ’s Passion] the Virgin alone stayed firm in the faith, indeed she alone was then the church.”

 

. . .

 

It is not difficult to see how the problems relating to the in sola Virgine theme anticipated the polemics between Protestants and Catholics in the sixteenth century. Schüssler, for example, has noted that Segovia’s refutation of “remnant” ecclesiology anticipated many Roman Catholic arguments against Luther and others, and that, on this point at least, Baselean conciliarism was fundamentally “more Catholic” than has often been acknowledged. Not only was this the case with the larger theological issues, but even in the specific instance of the in sola Virgine theme, Segovia’s position anticipated many arguments advanced by sixteenth-century Catholic polemicists such as Melchior Cano (d. 1560), Robert Bellarmine (d. 1621), and especially Dominic Bañez (d. 1604), who criticized the in sola Virgine theme as prejudicial to the hierarchical church. Even if, by the sixteenth century, the conciliar movement had lost momentum, opposition along conciliarist lines to the idea that the entire church or faith could survive in a single individual—even the mother of God—remained. (Jesse D. Mann, “A Conciliarist’s Opposition to a Popular Marian Devotion,” in The Church, the Councils, and Reform: The Legacy of the Fifteenth Century, ed Gerald Christianson, Thomas M. Izbicki, and Christopher Bellitto [Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2008], 212-13, 214, 224-25)

 

 

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