Friday, February 26, 2016

Priestly Sacrificial Language in 1 Clement

Chapters 40-44 of 1 Clement (written at the end of the first century) draws many parallels between the Levitical Priesthood and the offices of bishops and deacons in the New Covenant. In 44:4, we read:

For it will be no light sin for us, if we thrust out those who have offered the gift of the bishop's office unblamably and holily. (J.P. Lightfoot translation)

The portion highlighted in bold translates the Greek προσενεγκόντας τὰ δῶρα. προσφερω is the verb meaning "to offer," and it often used in sacrificial contexts, as it the term δωρον, which means a gift, often in a form of a sacrifice. Instances where προσφερω is used alongside δωρον in sacrificial contexts in the LXX and Greek NT include Lev 1:2-3, 14; 2:1, 4, 12, 13; 3:6; 4:23, 32; 6:13; 7:13, 29, 38; 9:15; 17:4; 21:6, 8, 17, 21; 22:18, 25; 23:14; 27:9, 11; Num 5;15; 7:10, 11, 12, 13, 19; 9:7, 13; 15:4; 28:2; 31:50; Matt 5:23-24; 8:4; Heb 5:1; 8:3-4; 9:9; 11:4.

Similar to the priestly sacrificial language used in the Last Supper accounts in the New Testament, this is strong implicit evidence of an ordained, ministerial priesthood in the New Covenant; for more detail, see my paper here.

Commenting on the early Christian use of sacrificial language, Adolf von Harnack wrote:

The idea of the whole transaction of the Supper as a sacrifice, is plainly found in the Didache, (c. 14), in Ignatius, and above all, in Justin (I. 65f.) But even Clement of Rome presupposes it, when (in cc. 40-44) he draws a parallel between bishops and deacons and the Priests and Levites of the Old Testament, describing as the chief function of the former (44.4) προσφερειν τα δωρα. This is not the place to inquire whether the first celebration had, in the mind of its founder, the character of a sacrificial meal; but, certainly, the idea, as it was already developed at the time of Justin, had been created by the churches. Various reasons tended towards seeing in the Supper a sacrifice. In the first place, Malachi i. 11, demanded a solemn Christian sacrifice: see my notes on Didache, 14.3. In the second place, all prayers were regarded as a sacrifice, and therefore the solemn prayers at the Supper must be specially considered as such. In the third place, the words of institution τουτο ποιειτε, contained a command with regard to a definite religious action. Such an action, however, could only be represented as a sacrifice, and this the more, that the Gentile Christians might suppose that they had to understand ποιειν in the sense of θυειν. In the fourth place, payments in kind were necessary for the "agapae" connected with the Supper, out of which were taken the bread and wine for the Holy celebration; in what other aspect could these offerings in the worship be regarded than as προσφοραι for the purpose of a sacrifice? Yet the spiritual idea so prevailed that only the prayers were regarded as the θυσια a proper, even in the case of Justin (Dial. 117). The elements are only δωρα προσφοραι, which obtain their value from the prayers, in which thanks are given for the gifts of creation and redemption, as well as for the holy meal, and entreaty is made for the introduction of the community into the Kingdom of God (see Didache, 9. 10). Therefore, even the sacred meal itself is called ευχαριστια (Justin, Apol. I. 66: η τροφη αυτη χαλειται παρ’ ‘ημιν ευχαριστια). Didache, 9. 1: Ignat., because it is τροφη ευχαριστηθεσια. It is a mistake to suppose that Justin already understood the body of Christ to be the object of ποιειν, and therefore thought of a sacrifice of this body (I. 66). The real sacrificial act in the Supper consists rather, according to Justin, only in the ευχαριστιαν ποιειν, whereby κοινος αρτιος becomes the αρτος της ευχαριστιας The sacrifice of the Supper in its essence, apart from the offering of alms, which in the practice of the Church was closely united with it, is nothing but a sacrifice of prayer: the sacrificial act of the Christian here also is nothing else than an act of prayer (See Apol. I. 14, 65-67; Dial. 28, 29, 41, 70, 116-118). (Adolf von Harnack, History of Dogma, Volume 1, pp. 267-8, n. 288)


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