Thursday, May 21, 2026

John Nolland on the Temptation of Jesus in the Wilderness (Luke 4:1-13)

  

At his baptism (3:21-22) Jesus is identified as Son by the voice from heaven and anointed by the Spirit to empower his coming ministry (4:18). Now before his ministry begins-his filial obedience is tested in the wilderness, separated from all human provision and support. Strengthened by the Spirit he faces the Satanic seductions. Echoes of the testing of God's son Adam (3:38) in the 'garden and of God's son Israel in the wilderness permeate the account. But it is with a greater Son that we here deal. Luke reports three temptations at the climax of the forty-day encounter with the Devil.

 

When Jesus is hungry the Devil suggests that such hunger does not befit his dignity as Son, that sonship should be treated as a privilege to be exploited. Jesus should see to his own needs. He has the power to make stone into bread; he should not neglect his opportunities. Jesus replies with words from Deut 8:36. The Israelites had pined for the bread of Egypt (Exod 16:3), but the attention of an obedient son should be on the kingdom (Luke 12:31), not on bread. God will provide, as he had with the manna. The desire for bread should not determine the Son's use of the possibilities and privileges that are his.

 

The Devil takes Jesus up and treats him to a dazzling display of his extensive influence in the kingdoms of the world: the Devil is a power broker who sees to the disposition of glory in the world. His influence is co-extensive with the influence of evil in the fabric of human affairs, and he works through every form of the desire for self-aggrandizement. The Devil entices Jesus to come over to his way: to gain glory for himself in this world by compromise with the demonic forces that control it. But Jesus has been appointed a kingdom as one who serves (22:24-29). He seeks not for himself but only for his God. He will worship God alone and not the idols of the nations (Deut 6:13). The third place of temptation is at the temple in Jerusalem, the central place of the divine presence and protection (1 Kgs 9: 3; 2 Chr 7: 16; Ps 61: 4-5; etc.). Here the Son of God is to insist upon the protection of God by throwing himself down from a great height. We must read this temptation in relation to the Lukan recognition of a divine timetable for Jesus' life (Luke 9:51; 13:32-33) which leads to a facing of death in Jerusalem. Jesus is tempted to force the issue of divine protection, to demand in this provocative way the divine protection of the godly man promised in Ps 91. By the Devil's logic there should be no martyrs. But the divine purpose for Jesus, as for certain others, is that they should he preserved through death, not from death (Luke 21:16 with vv 18-19; 22:39-46 contrasted with the Petrine denials vv 54-62). Jesus will not put God to the test (Deut 6: 16). He will believe that the faithful God will do well by his Son.

 

The Devil has tried every kind of temptation, but he will be back. Jesus' whole ministry is marked by temptations (trials; Luke 22:28), but particularly the passion period will be a time of special onslaught by Satan (22:3, 31, 53, 39-46) as Jesus' ultimate act of obedience (22:42) draws near. (John Nolland, Luke 1-9:20 [Word Biblical Commentary 35A; Dallas: Word Books, 1989], 182-83)

 

Robert L. Millet: Jesus was not the Recipient of the Wrath of the Father

  

Christ truly descended below all things (see Ephesians 4:8-10, Doctrine and Covenants 88:6). The Redeemer has thus “trodden the wine-press alone, even the wine-press of the fierceness of the wrath of Almighty God” (Doctrine and Covenants 76:107; 88:106; 133:50; see also Isaiah 63:3).

 

It isn’t that God the Father is angry or disgusted or even frustrated with His Beloved Son. No, it is like Isaiah recorded when he spoke of the coming Messiah: “Surely he hath borne our griefs, and carried our sorrows; he was bruised for our iniquities; the chastisement of our peace was upon him; and with his stripes [welts, bruises, scars] we are healed.”

 

A bit later Isaiah records that “it pleased the Lord to bruise him; he [God the Father] put him [Jesus Christ] to grief: when thou shalt make his soul an offering for sin, he shall see his seed” (Isaiah 53:4-5, 10; Mosiah 14:5-6, 10). “The chastisement of our peace was upon him” is rendered as follows in an alternate translation: “the punishment that brought us peace was brought upon him” (New International Version).

 

And what of the expression, “it pleased the Lord to bruise him”? It certainly wasn’t the case that Elohim found delight in His Only Begotten Son’s agonizing pain. Rather, our Heavenly Father was pleased that His perfect Son, indeed His perfectly obedient and dependable Son, had faithfully carried out the much-needed sufferings in our behalf. (Robert L. Millet, How Great Thou Art: Revealed Insights into God, Our Heavenly Father [Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 2026], 152)

 

Jeffrey R. Holland (May 2009) vs. Jesus Being Abandoned by the Father per the Use of Psalm 22:1

  

Now I speak very carefully, even reverently, of what may have been the most difficult moment in all of this solitary journey to atonement. I speak of those final moments for which Jesus must have been prepared intellectually and physically but which He may not have fully anticipated emotionally and spiritually—that concluding descent into the paralyzing despair of divine withdrawal when He cries in ultimate loneliness, “My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?”

 

The loss of mortal support He had anticipated, but apparently He had not comprehended this. Had He not said to His disciples, “Behold, the hour … is now come, that ye shall be scattered, every man to his own, and shall leave me alone: and yet I am not alone, because the Father is with me” and “The Father hath not left me alone; for I do always those things that please him”?

 

With all the conviction of my soul I testify that He did please His Father perfectly and that a perfect Father did not forsake His Son in that hour. Indeed, it is my personal belief that in all of Christ’s mortal ministry the Father may never have been closer to His Son than in these agonizing final moments of suffering. Nevertheless, that the supreme sacrifice of His Son might be as complete as it was voluntary and solitary, the Father briefly withdrew from Jesus the comfort of His Spirit, the support of His personal presence. It was required, indeed it was central to the significance of the Atonement, that this perfect Son who had never spoken ill nor done wrong nor touched an unclean thing had to know how the rest of humankind—us, all of us—would feel when we did commit such sins. For His Atonement to be infinite and eternal, He had to feel what it was like to die not only physically but spiritually, to sense what it was like to have the divine Spirit withdraw, leaving one feeling totally, abjectly, hopelessly alone. (Jeffrey R. Holland, “None Were with Him,” General Conference, May 2009)

 

Kirsopp Lake (1911) on Baptismal Regeneration in Early Chrisitanity and the Shepherd of Hermas

  

On baptismal regeneration being unanimous in early Christianity:

 

Whatever may have been the position of baptism in Palestine, it always held the central position in Christian doctrine and practice in the Graeco-Roman world. Christians regarded themselves as men who had accepted the Messiah, and had in some sense entered into his kingdom before his coming in power; they were "proleptic" members of the kingdom. The condition of their entry into it was acceptance of the Messiah, but the actual method of entry was baptism. In Christian baptism the convert was said to be born again to eternal life, to become a new creature, to be set free from evil spirits, and to be cleansed from sin. The importance of this doctrine for the propagation of Christianity in the second century can scarcely be overestimated. Baptism was the great "mystery" of Christianity, just as, for instance, the "taurobolium" was the great "mystery" of Mithraism. The oriental religions were all mystery-religions, or, as we now should say, sacramental: that is to say, they offered to their votaries participation in eternal life. The differences between them in this respect were formal rather than essential, as can be illustrated from the fact that the phrase "born again into eternity" (in aeternum renatus) is applied in an inscription to worshippers of Mithra as well as to Christians. Thus the Christian teachers had the great advantage, from a missionary point of view, that they were teaching not only in a language, but also in a form of thought, which was understood by their public.

 

It cannot be accidental that all the forms of religion which became popular at this time in Rome were sacramental, and the explanation is probably to be sought in psychology. In the lan- guage of William James, there were in the beginning of the second century a number of "sick souls," who found a remedy in a combination of faith and outward acts to which a specifically healing character was given, and it is worth noting that, whether we accept the sacramental theories of the second century or not, the actual psychiatric efficiency of the sacraments themselves is undoubted. The theory was that baptism admitted to the Messianic kingdom, and incidentally, because all evil was excluded from that kingdom, gave release from sin. The fact was that the sick soul who believed was healed,-whether it would equally well have been healed if it had believed in something else is a question which is exceedingly important in itself but not important for the pure historian. (Kirsopp Lake, “The Shepherd of Hermas and Christian Life in the Second Century,” The Harvard Theological Review 4, no. 1 [January 1911]: 27-28)

 

 

On the theology of water baptism in the Shepherd of Hermas:

 

That Hermas fully accepted this central position of baptism is clear from Vis. iii. In this he describes a great tower, built over a spring of water, and explains that the meaning is, "your life was saved, and shall be saved, by water," and adds that the tower (the church) is founded on "the word (ρημα) of the almighty and glorious Name." The reference to water and to the "Name" in baptism calls for no further comment. Or again in Sim. ix, 16 he says:

 

For before man bears the name of the Son of God he is dead, but when he receives the seal, he puts off mortality and receives life. The seal, then, is the water. They go down, then, into the water dead and come up alive.

 

The doctrine of baptismal regeneration, taking place ex opere operato, could scarcely be more clearly expressed.

 

Such teaching was probably typical of all the mystery-religions, and it is plain that in the use of such modes of thought the danger of an absolutely unethical development was considerable. Theoretically, indeed, there is no room in such a view for a moral or ethical element. The baptized Christian was ipso facto a member of the Messianic kingdom, had obtained eternal life, and was free from sin. (Kirsopp Lake, “The Shepherd of Hermas and Christian Life in the Second Century,” The Harvard Theological Review 4, no. 1 [January 1911]: 28-29)

 

Wednesday, May 20, 2026

Excerpts from Robert M. Royalty, Jr., The Origin of Heresy: A History of Discourse in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity (2013)

  

THE RHETORIC OF HERESY

 

Heresiology is a discourse that negotiates difference within religious communities by seeking ideological hegemony. It can be expressed in a variety of tropes and figures for political functions in communities socially connected by religious ideologies. In this genealogy of heresy in Christianity, I am tracing the development of a cluster of rhetorical forms.

 

1 Membership (Salvation) Depends on Belief or Ideas

 

The notion of heresy inscribes by implication an ontology of belief. While religious identity in the ancient world was shaped primarily through custom and practice, Christian orthodoxy centered on belief; as Foucault writes, an “obligation to hold as true a set of propositions which constitutes a dogma.” I will trace the origins of doctrine or dogma (doxa) as determinative for inclusion in the soteriological community. The notion of dogmatic salvation has roots in sectarian writings of the Qumran community, in which halakhic positions define fissures between Second Temple Jewish groups. We will see how this rhetoric is employed and ideologically populated in first-century texts.

 

2 The Eschatological Idea That Disagreement Was Satanic or Demonic

 

The origins of religious difference must be theorized in the notion of heresy. The position on ideological difference that was systematized by the second century heresiologists has its origins in the dualistic worldview of Second Temple Jewish apocalypticism that explained religious difference via satanic tropes. This is the religious matrix for the Essenes at Qumran, the religious reform movements of John and Jesus in Galilee, and the formative religious and theological context for the early Christian communities that produced the first-century texts. This apocalyptic eschatological worldview drives confrontations with opponents.

 

3 The Importance of Received Tradition

 

The ideology of orthodoxy relies on tradition as a warrant. Received tradition, developed from Pharisaic as well as philosophical discourse, is related to the notion of dogma. As belief proper becomes the ideological center of first-century Christian orthodoxy, tradition gains power. Late first-century texts construct “tradition” as an ideological bulwark against opposing communities that embraced apocalyptic revelation and philosophical speculation. We will see this rhetorical-ideological move in the post-Pauline and Gospel texts.

 

4 The Doxography of Opposing Beliefs

 

As Christian orthodoxy centers increasingly on belief in received dogma to define its identity, classic heresiology of the second century and following includes a doxography of the views of the opposing teachers. I will trace this pattern from Qumran to late first-century texts. For philosophers, doxography functions to record and analyze different positions in order to transmit philosophical knowledge. Within early Christian heresiology, however, the function of heresiological doxography is ideological condemnation of different points of view by means of sarcasm, reduction, or other figures diminishing the intellectual quality of the opposing teachers.

 

5 The Universalized Web of Opposition

 

The genealogy of heresy constructs a historiography of error, from its origins to contemporary opposing teachers or prophets, united against the true church. The origins of this familiar rhetoric of “us” and “them” in Christian orthodoxy are inscribed in theories of difference from Second Temple Jewish literature, most notably apocalyptic eschatology. The political function of this rhetoric, however, contextualizes the binary divisions as more than expressions of structuralist theories of identity. Within orthodox Christian discourse, all other religious groups and communities, whether Christian, Jewish, or Hellenistic, are elided within and with the oikoumenē as “other.” And yet domination of this same oikoumenē is a political goal of orthodox Christians. (Robert M. Royalty, Jr., The Origin of Heresy: A History of Discourse in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity [Routledge Studies in Religion 18; New York: Routledge, 2013], 26-27)

 

 

<at the end of the book after surveying ‘heresy’ in 2TJ and EC>

 

Thus I repeat here as summary and conclusion, in modified form, the outlines of the rhetoric of heresiology presented in Chapter 1 and demonstrated in this book:

 

1 Membership (salvation) Depends on Belief or Ideas

 

The notion of heresy inscribes by implication an ontology of belief. While religious identity in the ancient world was shaped primarily through custom and practice, Christian orthodoxy centered on belief or dogma (doxa) as determinative for inclusion in the soteriological community.

 

2 The Eschatological Notion That Disagreement Was Satanic

 

The origins of religious difference must be theorized in the notion of heresy. The position on ideological difference that was systematized by the second-century heresiologists explained religious difference via eschatological and satanic tropes. This apocalyptic, eschatological worldview drives ideological confrontation with opponents, in contrast to other Christianities’ responses to difference.

 

3 The Doxography of Opposing Beliefs

 

For philosophers, doxography functions to record and analyze different positions in order to transmit philosophical knowledge. Within early Christian heresiology the function of heresiological doxography is ideological condemnation of different points of view by means of sarcasm, reduction, or other figures diminishing the intellectual quality of the opposing teachers.

 

4 The Importance of Received Tradition

 

The ideology of orthodoxy relies on tradition as a warrant. As belief proper becomes the ideological center of first-century Christian orthodoxy, tradition gains power. Late first-century texts construct “tradition” as a bulwark against opposing communities that embraced apocalyptic revelation and philosophical speculation. Orthodox Christians claim an “original” truth and label difference as deviance rather than innovation.

 

5 The Universalized Web of Opposition

 

The genealogy of heresy constructs a historiography of error, from its origins to contemporary opposing teachers or prophets, united against the true church. Within orthodox Christian discourse, all other religious groups and communities, whether Christian, Jewish, or Hellenistic, are elided within and with the oikoumenē as “other.” (Robert M. Royalty, Jr., The Origin of Heresy: A History of Discourse in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity [Routledge Studies in Religion 18; New York: Routledge, 2013], 174-75)

 

 

 

Mary Jane Woodger on D&C 93 and the Eternal Nature of Intelligences

  

Intelligence was not created by God but has existed independently throughout all eternity. (Mary Jane Woodger, The Essential Doctrine and Covenants Companion: Key Insights to your Gospel Study [American Fork, Utah: Covenant Communications, Inc., 2012], 184)

 

Mary Jane Woodger on D&C 76 and the meaning of “redemption”

  

Redemption is not synonymous with exaltation; instead, it means to be released from Satan’s grasp. All but the sons of perdition will be redeemed from Satan’s power. (Mary Jane Woodger, The Essential Doctrine and Covenants Companion: Key Insights to your Gospel Study [American Fork, Utah: Covenant Communications, Inc., 2012], 148)

 

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