Sunday, December 14, 2025

The JPS The Commentators’ Bible on Numbers 23:19

  

Numbers 23:19

 

RASHI

God is not man to be capricious, or mortal to change His mind. He has already sworn to give the Israelites possession of the land of the seven nations. And you expect to be able to kill them in the wilderness?

 

RASHBAM

God is not man. He will not renege on His blessing after such a short time. For they have not transgressed since the blessing with which I blessed them earlier today. To be capricious. Literally, “to lie” (OJPS). But it is a question. Reneging on the blessing would amount to a lie—how could God do this? To change His mind. Again, the Hebrew frames a question: “God is not mortal—how could He change His mind? Would He speak and not act, promise and not fulfill? Here the translations recognize that the text is asking a question.

 

IBN EZRA

God is not man to be capricious. Balak asked Balaam to “damn them for me from there” (v. 13), but Balaam had already told him, “How can I damn whom God has not damned?” (v. 8). Would He speak and not act? More literally, “would He say and not do” what He said? Promise and not fulfill? “Utter, and not fulfill” His utterance? The fact that the verb has a suffix shows that such an object is to be understood.

 

ADDITIONAL COMMENTS

God is not man to be capricious, or mortal to change His mind. There are three scenarios in which human beings do not fulfill a promise—either they decide not to, or they are not able to, or the recipient of the promise has not fulfilled his side of the bargain. Balaam’s reply pertains to the first two of these (Bekhor Shor). (Numbers: Introduction and Commentary [trans. Michael Carasik; The Commentators’ Bible; Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society, 2011], Logos Bible Software edition)

 

Thomas Gaston (Christadelphian): The Man-child of Revelation 12 is Jesus, not Constnatine

Many Christadelphians believe that the man-child in Revelation 12 is (1) negative and (2) Constantine. However, some Christadelphians (correctly) note that the “man-child” is Jesus and the scene in Rev 12 is positive, not negative. To quote one leading Christadelphian commentator:

 

As the chapter unfolds, the Woman gives birth to a male child “who was to rule all nations with a rod of iron” (i.e. Jesus Christ; Rev 19:15). The child is caught up to God and his throne (Rev 12:5), a reference to exaltation of Jesus to the right-hand of God. As soon as the child is caught up, war breaks out in heaven and the Dragon (i.e. sin) is cast down; he is overcome by “the blood of the Lamb” (Rev 12:11). The Dragon is not yet defeated, and now persecutes the Woman, who bore the child. So the Woman is given two eagle’s wings to fly into the wilderness and there she remains for a set time (cf. Rev 12:6, 14). The final verse of the chapter is telling; the Woman thus protected, the Dragon makes war on those who “keep” the commandments of God—this might imply that the Woman herself no longer keeps the commandments. (Thomas Gaston, “A Late-Date for Revelation: A Church-Centric Interpretation,” Christadelphian Ejournal of Biblical Interpretation [October 2010]: 213)

 

Brian K. Blount on Revelation 11:12

  

[12] The fear generated in v. 11 is compounded when the enemies of God’s people witness their elevation on “the cloud” into heaven. In the Apocalypse, cloud conveyance is reserved for Christ (1:7), a mighty angel (10:1), and a child of humanity (14:14–16). The presence of the definite article here indicates that this is the same cloud John saw draped around the mighty angel at 10:1. The mechanism that brought the angel down now carries the witnesses up. The visual corroborates John’s claim of vindication. The foreboding audio sounds the tone of judgment (see the discussion of “great voice” at 7:2). Cosmic justice is about to be enacted.

 

Prior to the commencement of judgment, the foreboding voice gives the two witnesses the same command (“Come up here”) that was given in the singular to John when he was invited to enter the heavenly throne room (4:1). In fact, the only two places where the verb anabainō (Come up) is used in the imperative in the Apocalypse are 4:1 and 11:12. In 4:1 it was apparently Christ’s own voice that summoned John; it was identified as a voice like a trumpet (cf. 1:10–13). Christ invited John into God’s eschatological presence. Is John implying that Christ is also personally inviting the two witnesses, and through them, the faithful, witnessing church? To be sure. As for John, so for the church: while faithful witness to Christ’s lordship will provoke hostility from bestial human powers, it will guarantee direct access to God. Indeed, Christ himself will call you up! That is motivation. (Brian K. Blount, Revelation: A Commentary [The New Testament Library [Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox Press, 2013], 216-17)

 

Stephen S. Smalley on Revelation 11:12

  

12 The theme of the deliverance of the witnesses is continued in this verse, which includes the record of their ascension to heaven. The scene is a recapitulation of 4:1–2 (q.v.), where the seer is taken up to the throne room of God and the Lamb; note the similar language in 4:1–2 and 11:12, especially in the form of the command, ἀνάβα (ἀνάβατε) ὧδε (anaba [anabate] hōde, ‘come up [pl.] here!’). Both situations involve a rapture; but in neither context should this be understood literally. Rather, the prophet-seer is ‘taken up’ spiritually, so that more of a heavenly vision may be disclosed to him (cf. Ezekiel’s experience, described in Ezek. 1–3 [see esp. 3:12–15]; also the non-literal ‘rapture’ language of Rev. 17:1–3; 21:9–10); and the same is true of the two witnesses here (against Aune 625–26). Theologically, there is a connection in the Apocalypse between John’s first commissioning as a prophet (1:10–19), his second (4:1–2a) and third (10:1–11). The witnesses, representing the Church of Christ as a whole (see on 11:3), participate in the seer’s prophetic task (11:3–7). This accounts for the parallels between the activity of John and the two witnesses in Rev. 10 and 11, as in the ‘clouds’ of 10:1 and 11:12; the designation of both John and the witnesses as ‘prophets’ (10:11; 11:3, 10, 18); and their joint and universal message of judgement (10:11; 11:5–10). Cf. Beale 598–99.

 

The resurrected witnesses, rather than the bystanders (the ‘enemies’ of verse 12b), ‘heard a loud, heavenly voice’ of command (against Charles 1, 290, who claims that the speaker is audible to everyone). This connects with the unidentified ‘voice’ of 10:4, which is doubtless in turn the divine voice of 9:13 (q.v.); and, given the associations between 11:12 and 4:1–2 noted above, it could be that the ‘loud voice’ from heaven in the present verse shares in the character of the ‘trumpet-like voice’ of 4:1, and therefore begins the sounding of the seventh trumpet mentioned at 11:15 (cf. Beale 599). For ‘hearing’ in Johannine thought, often associated with sight and understanding, see on 4:1; et al.; also 8:13.

 

The witnesses ‘ascended to (εἰς, eis, lit. ‘into’) heaven in a cloud’; and this points to their vindication, on the basis of faithful Christian testimony and behaviour. The presence of the article with the noun ‘cloud’ (ἐν τῇ νεφέλῃ, en tē[i] nephelē[i], lit. ‘in the cloud’) suggests that this allusion would be familiar to John’s audience; and there is certainly a tradition in Judaism that divine approval was given to loyal witnesses by ‘assumption’ to heaven in a cloud. Such was true of Enoch (Gen. 5:24), Moses (Assum. Moses 10.12; Josephus, Ant. 4.320–26; cf. Deut. 34:5–6), Elijah (2 Kings 2:11, where the ‘whirlwind’ is theophanic; cf. Ezek. 1:4), Ezra (4 Ezra 14:7–9,[48]) and Baruch (2 Apoc. Bar. 76.1–5). However, as Aune (625–26) points out, all these figures were taken up into heaven to await the end, at which time it was predicted that they would return. The same directly eschatological dimension does not belong to Rev. 11:12. Nevertheless, there is in the New Testament a ‘cloud’ tradition, associated with Jesus, which denotes the authentication and approval given to his ministry by the Father. See Mark 13:26; 14:62; Acts 1:9–11; cf. Rev. 14:14–16; Gospel of Peter 35–36). It is possible that in Rev. 11:12 the anaphoric article introducing ‘cloud’ picks up this tradition, as well as referring back to the ‘cloud’ in 10:1 (cf. Beale 600).

 

Clouds in Jewish and Christian tradition are often represented as a means of transport between heaven and earth, or between one part of heaven and another; and this applies to divine and angelic beings, as well as to mortals (cf. Deut. 33:26; Ps. 68:4; Acts 1:9; Rev. 1:7; Exod. 14:24; Rev. 10:1; 2 Kings 2:11; 1 Enoch 39.3; et al.). See Aune 625. The ascension of the witnesses by cloud, in the present context (Rev. 11:12), takes place ‘in full view of their enemies’. Ascent narratives sometimes include the fact that bystanders look on, and see what is happening (Judg. 13:20; 2 Kings 2:11–12; Acts 1:9–11; Jub. 32.20–21; 2 Enoch 67.1–3; T. Job 52.8–10). In these instances, however, the viewers are friendly; whereas in Rev. 11:12 they are representatives of a hostile and oppressive world, which has rejected the message of the believing and suffering Church. The ascent to heaven of the two witnesses, therefore, becomes not only a divine demonstration of their authority and authenticity but also a judgement on the world’s mistaken view of truth and righteousness as these have been revealed in God through Christ. (Stephen S. Smalley, The Revelation to John: A Commentary on the Greek Text of the Apocalypse [London: SPCK, 2005], 284-85)

 

The Son of God Being a "celestial Adam and great priest"

  

S. 1. Although some things have already been said in the previous chapter about the son of God, who is the first born of all creatures, nevertheless many things remain to be said about this matter which are necessary for the correct understanding of what follows; hence for that reason we write this chapter. By the son of God (the first born of all creatures, whom we Christians call Jesus Christ, according to Scripture, as shown above) is understood not only his divinity but his humanity in eternal union with the Divinity; that is, his celestial humanity was united with the Divinity before the creation of the world and before his incarnation. The ancient Kabbalists have written many things about this, namely, how the son of God was created, how his existence in the order of nature preceded all creatures; how everything is blessed and receives holiness in him and through him, whom they call in their writings the celestial Adam, or the first man Adam Kadmon, the great priest, the husband or betrothed of the church, or as Philo Judaeus3 called him, the first-born son of God.

 

S. 2. This son of God, the first born of all creatures, namely this celestial Adam and great priest, as the most learned Jews call him, is, properly speaking, the mediator between God and the creatures. The existence of such a mediator is as demonstrable as the existence of God, as long as such a being is understood to be of a lesser nature than God and yet of a greater and more excellent nature than all remaining creatures. On account of his excellence he is rightly called the son of God. (Anne Conway, The Principles of the Most Ancient and Modern Philosophy [trans. Alison P. Coudert; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996], 23-24)

 

 

Furthermore, since it agrees with sound reason and with the order of things that just as God is one and does not have two or three or more distinct substances in himself, and just as Christ is one simple Christ without further distinct substances in himself (insofar as he is the celestial man or Adam, the first of all creatures), so likewise all creatures, or the whole of creation, are also a single species in substance or essence, although it includes many individuals gathered into subordinate species and distinguished from each other modally but not substantially or essentially. Thus, what Paul says about human beings can also be understood about all creatures (which in their primitive and original state were a certain species of human being designated according to their virtues, as will be shown), namely, that God made all tribes and troops of creatures from one blood. Surely this is the explanation of the following two things: that God made all tribes of human beings from one blood so that they would love one another and would be bound by the same sympathy and would help one another. Thus God has implanted a certain universal sympathy and mutual love into his creatures so that they are all members of one body and all, so to speak, brothers, for whom there is one common Father, namely, God in Christ or the word incarnate. There is also one mother, that unique substance or entity from which all things have come forth, and of which they are the real parts and members. And although sin has weakened this love and sympathy in creatures to an astonishing degree, nevertheless it has not altogether destroyed it. (Ibid., 30-31, my thanks to my friend Allen Hansen for making me aware of this work)

 

Saturday, December 13, 2025

Antónia Szabari on Hugenot Humor in 16th century Lyon and a Wordplay on the French "adieu"

While looking up examples of "brethren adieu" (cf. Jacob 7:27) in historical literature, I came across the following from  Antónia Szabari, Less Rightly Said: Scandals and Readers in Sixteenth-Century France (2010):



HUGENOT HUMOR IN LYON

 

In Lyon, as the city turned Protestant for a brief period in 1562 after it was occupied by the Protestant army during the first civil war, monasteries were closed and Catholics, along with their "idols," were driven out of the city. The space of the city had to be filled with a new and true form of the sacred. Polemicists contribute to this restructuring of urban space poetically. Against the backdrop of the rich tradition of the arts and of artisanal culture in the city, which included poetry and the fabrication of printed books, these poems appear rushed and rudimentary. They nonetheless reach back to poetic models and rhetorical games in order to circulate common themes of the Reformation. The papal "cauldron"-well-established topos of the "idolatry" prevalent in the Roman Church-reappears in several of them. In the Discours de la vermine et prestraille de Lyon ("Treatise of the Vermin and the Clerical Riffraff of Lyon"), we find a monk who is worried that his cauldron will be overturned and that the soup spill. The monk says good-bye in a lengthy poem that catalogues all the idols that he adores as his god:

 

Mondieu, alas! My joys, my darlings,

Adieu pleasure, and adieu all merriment

Adieu comfort, and adieu contentment

Adieu cloister and adieu trickeries [fins tours],

Adieu my grub and adieu monk-hood,

Adieu, I say to you, tripe and potbelly

Adieu greasy cabbage, meadows, wells, and fountains,

Adieu orchards in which I take no more pleasure,

Adieu to you, luxurious riff raff [frippons & racaille]

Adieu vermin and the whole clerical riff raff [prestraille]

Adieu to all the others, for we have to go

Adieu my days, my bed, and my sleep [mon repos]

Adieu my wine, and adieu my cups [mes pots]

Adieu to you, henchmen of the Antichrist

Adieu my nymph, my little girl, my sweetheart.

Adieu falcons, joyful venery

Adieu birds, adieu my little dogs,

Adieu my spaniel, whom I will no longer groom,

Adieu cards, dice, and trickery

Adieu, alas, our extravagance

Adieu partridge, quail, hens, and plover,

Adieu to the sauce that we eat with turtledove,

Adieu chapels and the bread of deliverance

Adieu I say to you, without fail, indeed.

Adieu chateau, mansion, and farmyard,

Adieu the amorous juice of my vineyard

Adieu I say to you my thousands of brethren

Adieu lay brethren and all you Cordeliers

Adieu tapestry and plates

Adieu to you Jacobins and prelates,

Adieu canons, adieu fun

Adieu all, I am weary, and I’m gone [car ie suis las] (Discours de la vermine et prestraille de Lyon ([Paris]: 1562), 10 12)

 

From an aesthetic or poetic viewpoint, there is nothing innovative about this poem. It does not invite the reader into a storehouse of learning, nor does it require the reader to possess a reading culture. The poem only evokes culinary art, venery, and venereal pursuits, and those also only superficially. The monk depicted in it is not interested in any pleasures beyond the simple ones of the body. The anaphoras repeated at the beginning of each verse lend a monotonous rhythm to the monk's catalogue of pleasures, yet this poetic device becomes the carrier of a theological message. The monk's anaphoric "adieus" are his way of saying goodbye to those objects that he venerates as his god. He speaks to (his) god (à-dieu), but it is to be understood that this god is an idol. The desolation of the monk (car ie suis las) so vividly depicted in this poem is a parody of his idolatry, for his god is his belly, all those things that he can stuff into it, and all his other pleasures. The irony of the monk's adieus is that the god he invokes as his god is not permanent; he is a "god" whose time is over (that is, an idol, in theological terms), one who is lost and with whom the monk must part. The monotonous repetition of adieus serves the iconoclastic function of both representing the monk at the moment of invoking his god and revealing the transient nature of the object of his devotion. The simple poetic construction (the diametrical opposite of the crammed, multifaceted poetic edifice of the Satyres chrestiennes) succeeds in evoking a theological dilemma, that of the idol, with which the deceived believer enters into an intimate spiritual contact, only to find out that the presumed sacred other is not available, it is not sacred, not the Other. The poem thus does not simply mock Catholic monks as gluttons (although that is part of it), but also reorients the reader's view away from a familiar material space and hence toward an invisible, immaterial space, that of the Spirit. Such a reorientation was necessary in the attempt to refashion the city and fill it with the "true" sacred. Viewed from the perspective of a larger theological and philosophical tradition, however, the anaphoras of the anxious monk reveal the tautology that founds the sacred in any tradition, Catholic or Protestant. The god of Protestantism, always absolutely Other, deus absconditus, is always withdrawn from everything. The monk is parodied and his "god" is made into a comic idol, but his experience of fear and dismay, of anxiety, at the disappearance of the sacred is very close to the religious world of Protestantism. This anxiety is the one against which Protestantism offers help, but which it also maintains. In Lyon, not only fear and laughter but also Catholic monk and reformed reader possess an uncanny resemblance. Both the Satyres chrestiennes and this poem show, unwittingly, that while engaging in verbal denigration and ridicule, the Calvinist self was locked in rivalry with the despised other. (Antónia Szabari, Less Rightly Said: Scandals and Readers in Sixteenth-Century France [Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2010], 122-24)

 

Kovacs, Rowland, and Callow on the History of the Interpretation of the Two Witnesses of Revelation 11

  

the witnesses as biblical figures who will return

 

According to Hippolytus, the Antichrist will rebuild the city of Jerusalem, restore the sanctuary, remove the two witnesses and forerunners of Christ (Rev 11:3), make war upon the saints, and desolate the world (in W. Bousset 1999: 44–6; cf. Prigent 1972: 396; Daley 1991: 39). For Lactantius a sign of the end of this age is God’s sending of a great prophet (Institutes vii.17 in McGinn 1979: 61–2). A long tradition of interpretation has the two witnesses as Enoch and Elijah, neither of whom tasted of death (Tertullian, On the Soul l.5; Daley 1991: 153, 179–80, 203; cf. W. Bousset 1999: 203–9). Hildegard of Bingen (Scivias xi) mentions Enoch and Elijah (Hart and Bishop edn 496, 505; cf. Bauckham 1976 and 1978: 186; Newport 2000: 83). Victorinus sees one witness as Elijah, whose preaching will lead to the conversion of many Jews, and the other as Jeremiah:

 

Many think that either Elisha or Moses is with Elijah, but they both have died. Jeremiah’s death, however, is not found [in Scripture].… For the very word which was given to him bears witness to this: ‘Before I formed you in the womb, I knew you, and I made you a prophet to the nations’ [Jer 1:5]. But Jeremiah was not a prophet to the nations; therefore since both words [Jer 1:5 and Rev 11:3] are divine, [God] must keep his promise and make Jeremiah a prophet to the nations. (1916: 98. 10–17, tr. J. Kovacs; cf. ANF vii.354)

 

In Islamic interpretation one of Muhammad’s companions expected that he would return as ‘a prophet like Moses’ (cf. Deut 18:15). While it is unlikely that the Islamic material is directly dependent on the Apocalypse, this may reflect a belief common in late antiquity that Moses had not died and would return as one of the two unnamed witnesses of Revelation 11:1–13 (in VanderKam and Adler 1996: 181; cf. Arjomand in McGinn 2000: 247).

 

contemporary actualizations

 

Altogether more contentious and daring is the way certain interpreters saw these figures appearing in their own day. For some this reflects a conviction that the last days have come, for others (for example, Blake) a conviction that these images have an ongoing capacity to interpret the world. The Moses and Elijah link, which arises out of allusions in the text itself, is echoed by Joachim and extended to ‘stand for two religious orders’ (Expositio fols 106r, 146r, 148r in Wainwright 1993: 51; cf. McGinn 1998: 164–5). A particularly interesting illustration in this Franciscan tradition is found in the commentary of Alexander Minorita (Cambridge University Library MS Mm.V.31): two white-robed friars (described as ‘predicatores’) preach from their rostrums to ordinary people about the parable of Dives (the rich man) and Lazarus (Luke 16:19–31) (see plate 6). This parable of reversal challenges the conventional hierarchies and the rich of Alexander’s world, whose heedless opulence is contrasted with the rigours of the Franciscan order (in Carey 1999: 83–4; cf. James 1931: 67).

 

The Beguin Na Prous Boneta (c.1297–c.1325) interpreted the two witnesses as her Franciscan mentors, Francis and Peter John Olivi. Although Olivi’s work was condemned, and his memory vilified, he was highly regarded among popular movements like the Beguins. Na Prous sees Pope John XXII as the Antichrist and thinks Olivi’s condemnation means the destruction of the gospel of Jesus Christ, as the following testimony to her views indicates:

 

In that terrestrial paradise [probably a reference to Rev 20–1] Christ placed Elijah and Enoch, and that Elijah was Saint Francis while Enoch was Brother Pierre D’Jean [Peter John Olivi], both of whom bore witness to Jesus Christ. Saint Francis bore witness to the life of poverty instituted by Christ, while Brother Pierre D’Jean bore witness to the divinity in holy scripture, in which he discovered all the words of the saints and conveyed them in his writings through the power of the Holy Spirit given to him. Again, Christ told her, so she claims, that Antichrist killed Elijah and Enoch, that is, Saint Francis and Brother Pierre D’Jean, in the middle of the street, which street she said was holy scripture. (Paris Bibl. nat., Collection Doat, tome 27, fols 51v–79v in May 1965; cf. Burr 2001: 230–6; Potesta in McGinn 2000: 119)

 

In the fourteenth century Konrad Schmid and his closest associate had perished at the hands of the Church of Rome. Their followers were convinced that they would return again, this time to overthrow the Antichrist and preside over the Last Judgement (in Cohn 1957: 141–6). An illustration in the sixteenth-century Wittenberg Bible reflects Luther’s own day. The measuring of the temple by the two witnesses takes place before the Beast, who wears a papal tiara. The background is the Castle Church at Wittenberg with Luther’s pulpit, and the witnesses are Protestant preachers with the fiery word of God proceeding from their mouths (in Scribner 1994: 175).

 

The German theologian Melchior Hoffman saw in the early Anabaptist preachers in Strasbourg ‘the true Elijah who is to come before the last day’, specifically identifying Enoch with Cornelis Poldermann or Caspar Schwenckenfeld. Hoffmann’s apocalyptic ideas inspired those who set up the Anabaptist kingdom in Münster. Leaders such as Jan Matthijs thought the time had come to assemble the 144,000 of Rev 7 and 14, who would oppose the Antichrist, and Matthijs saw himself as the Enoch of the last days (in Deppermann 1987: 257, 336; cf. Cohn 1957: 261–70).

 

In the seventeenth century, during the English Civil War and its immediate aftermath, Mary Cary thinks the rising of the witnesses from the dead is realized in the creation of the New Model Army (in Capp in Patrides and Wittreich 1984: 112–13; cf. Capp 1972; Hill 1989: 51), and Ludowick Muggleton and John Reeve regard themselves as the witnesses who would oppose the Beast (in Hill 1990: 132–3; Underwood 1999). According to Benjamin Keach, the witnesses’ resurrection is the reversal of a perilous situation, when in 1688 William of Orange, a ‘glorious Instrument’ in the hands of God, saved England from Roman Catholicism (Distressed Sion Relieved (1689) in Newport 2000: 40).

 

Similar in its interpretative method is Blake’s identification of the witnesses with Wesley and Whitefield, the founders of Methodism. The Nonconformist Blake saw in these two religious figures kindred spirits, one symbolizing divine wrath, the other divine pity: ‘But then I [apparently a reference to the Lamb] rais’d up Whitefield,/Palamabron rais’d up Westley [sic]/And these are the cries of the Churches before the two witnesses’ (Milton 22 [24]:55–62 in Paley 1999: 75). While neither Wesley nor Whitefield would have shared Blake’s political views, like him, they protested against the religion they considered oppressive.

 

The French Revolution provides the backdrop for Joseph Towers’ interpretation of various images of chapter 11 (in Burdon 1997: 98). Another view of events in France is offered by Alexander Pirie, who denounced the Republic as ‘the beast that ascendeth out of the bottomless pit’ of 11:7 (The French Revolution in Paley 1999: 22). (Judith Kovacs, Christopher Rowland, and Rebekah Callow, Revelation: The Apocalypse of Jesus Christ [Blackwell Bible Commentaries; Malden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishing, 2004], 127-30)

 

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