Saturday, July 11, 2026

Lawrence Feingold on the Threefold Priestly Hierarchy in light of Numbers 16 and the Rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram

  

St. Clement of Rome, in his Letter to the Corinthians, sees this episode of rebellion as a type of schism in the New Covenant. As Korah, Dathan, and Abiram rebelled against the priestly authority of Aaron, his sons, and the Levites, so the New Covenant is not exempt for schism and rebellion against those who hold the priesthood of the New Testament. And as God rebuked Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, so He will not hold guiltless those who upset the right order of supernatural governance in the Church through the most grave sin of schism. Speaking of the miraculous blossoming of Aaron’s rod, St. Clement writes:

 

Did not Moses know beforehand that this would happen? Of course he knew. But in order that disorder might not arise in Israel, he did it anyway. . . . Our apostles likewise knew, through our Lord Jesus Christ, that there would be strife over the bishop’s office. For this reason, therefore, having received complete foreknowledge, they appointed the leaders mentioned earlier and afterwards they gave the offices a permanent character; that is, if they should die, other approved men should succeed to their ministry. . . . For it will be no small sin for us if we depose from the bishop’s office those who have offered the gifts blamelessly and in holiness. (Clement of Rome, First Epistle to the Corinthians 43-44, in Michael Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers, 103-105)

 

In this well-known text, St. Clement, towards the end of the first century, clearly affirmed the principle of apostolic succession, and its great importance in the life of the Church. (Lawrence Feingold, “Typology of the Old Testament Priesthood,” [2013], p. 6)

 

Friday, July 10, 2026

Discussion of 1 Corinthians 15:29 and Baptism for the Dead in “Excerpts of Theodotus”

 Source for the following: Geoffrey S. Smith, Valentinian Christianity: Texts and Translations (Oakland, Calif.: University of California Press, 2020)


Background:

 

In his Excerpts of Theodotus Clement of Alexandria records a series of extracts from a variety of Valentinian sources. Despite the title of the work, not all of the extracts come from Theodotus, a Valentinian teacher who is known only from Clement’s extracts. He is named only five times in the entire text. In other instances Clement may be citing Theodotus, but he does not do so by name. Another challenge the text poses to interpreters is that unlike the Gospel of Philip, which, if it is a collection of extracts, does not seem to include additions by the person responsible for compiling the extracts, Clement has added his own comments to many of the extracts, and his additions are not always easily distinguishable from the texts he excerpts from his Valentinian sources.

 

While questions remain about the precise nature of the sources Clement uses, scholars often divide the Excerpts into four groups: (A) 1–28, (B) 29–43:1, (C) 43.2–65, and (D) 66–86. Group C has affinities with Irenaeus, AH 1.4.5–7.1 and may draw upon the source used by Irenaeus.

 

The Excerpts survive in two late manuscripts, one directly copied from the other. The earliest of the two is Laur. V 3, which dates to the eleventh century c.e. Clement likely produced the collection, however, in the latter part of the second century c.e. The following Greek text comes from my own transcription of Laur. V 3, in consultation with Sagnard’s edition. (p. 57)

 

Greek Texts:

 

22 Καὶ ὅταν εἴπῃ ὁ Ἀπόστολος, «Ἐπεὶ τί ποιήσουσιν, οἱ βαπτιζόμενοι ὑπὲρ τῶν νεκρῶν;» ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν γάρ, φησίν, οἱ Ἄγγελοι ἐβαπτίσαντο, ὧν ἐσμεν μέρη.

 

Νεκροὶ δὲ ἡμεῖς οἱ νεκρωθέντες τῇ συστάσει ταύτῃ, ζῶντες δὲ καὶ ἄρρενες οἱ μὴ μεταλαβόντες τῆς συστάσεως ταύτης.

 

«Εἰ νεκροὶ οὐκ ἐγείρονται, τί καὶ βαπτιζόμεθα;» Ἐγειρόμεθα οὖν ἡμεῖς ἰσάγγελοι τοῖς ἄρρεσιν ἀποκατασταθέντες, τοῖς μέλεσι τὰ μέλη, εἰς ἕνωσιν.

 

«Οἱ βαπτιζόμενοι» δέ, φασίν, «ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν τῶν νεκρῶν,» οἱ Ἄγγελοί εἰσιν οἱ ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν βαπτιζόμενοι, ἵνα ἔχοντες καὶ ἡμεῖς τὸ Ὄνομα μὴ ἐπισχεθῶμεν κωλυθέντες εἰς τὸ Πλήρωμα παρελθεῖν τῷ Ὅρῳ καὶ τῷ Σταυρῷ.

 

Διὸ καὶ ἐν τῇ χειροθεσίᾳ λέγουσιν ἐπὶ τέλους, «εἰς λύτρωσιν ἀγγελικήν,» τουτέστιν ἣν καὶ Ἄγγελοι ἔχουσιν, ἵν’ ᾖ βεβαπτισμένος ὁ τὴν λύτρωσιν κομισάμενος τῷ αὐτοῦ Ὀνόματι ᾧ καὶ ὁ Ἄγγελος αὐτοῦ προβεβάπτισται.

 

Ἐβαπτίσαντο δὲ ἐν ἀρχῇ οἱ Ἄγγελοι, ἐν λυτρώσει τοῦ Ὀνόματος τοῦ ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐν τῇ περιστερᾷ κατελθόντος καὶ λυτρωσαμένου αὐτόν.

 

Ἐδέησεν δὲ λυτρώσεως καὶ τῷ Ἰησοῦ, ἵνα μὴ κατασχεθῇ τῇ Ἐννοίᾳ ᾗ ἐνετέθη τοῦ ὑστερήματος, προ`σ´ερχόμενος διὰ τῆς Σοφίας, ὥς φησιν ὁ Θεόδοτος. (pp. 72, 74)

 

English:

 

22 And when the Apostle said, “Otherwise what will they do, those baptized on behalf of the dead?” For on our behalf, he says, the angels, of whom we are parts, were baptized.

 

But we are dead who are made dead by this structure, but males are alive who did not take part in this structure.

 

“If the dead are not raised, why are we baptized?” Therefore we are raised equal to angels, having been returned to the males in oneness, the members with the members. “Those baptized on our behalf, the dead,” they say, are the angels who are baptized on our behalf, so that when we also have the name, we might not be restrained, prevented by the limit and the cross from entering into the fullness.

 

Wherefore when laying on hands they say at the end, “For the angelic redemption,” that is, what the angels have, so that the one receiving the redemption might be baptized in his name, in which his angels had also been baptized.

 

The angels were baptized in the beginning, in the redemption of the name that descended upon Jesus in the dove and redeemed him.

 

Redemption was necessary even for Jesus, so that he might not be detained by the mind of the deficiency in which he was placed while approaching through Wisdom, as Theodotus says. (pp. 73, 75)

 

John M. Rist on Sola Scriptura and the Theological Debates Among the Various Reformers

 

 

Despite their agreement on sola Scriptura, almost from the start the Reformers found it as hard (or harder, since each was in effect his own pope) to agree among themselves on the exegetically correct readings of the Bible as had the bad old logic-choppers of the schools. Luther himself became an (ultimately ineffectual) enforcer of theological ‘orthodoxy’ when in 1528 he realized the seriousness of the problem. The more radical wing of the Reform movement, led by Karlstadt, the ‘Zwickau Prophets’, Thomas Münzer and others, had produced not only religious chaos but, in the form of the Peasants’ Revolt (1524–5), the likelihood that the Lutherans would lose the princely support on which they relied for personal as well as theological survival. Because those who so obviously misinterpreted Scripture could only be diabolically inspired, Luther concluded that the devil – already hugely more present in his writings than in those of Augustine – was in this instance too working from within to overthrow the kingdom of the godly.

 

Still more ‘diabolical’, however, were John of Leyden and the other Anabaptist leaders of the commune established in Munster in 1534–5. Apart from their abolition of commerce and private property, their establishment of communal meals and eventually of polygamy, more important theologically was their denial of infant baptism: precisely the move which had prompted Augustine’s first attack on the ‘Pelagian’ Caelestius in Carthage in 411. For to deny infant baptism, as Augustine saw it, was to deny our vita communis in Adam, and with it the guilt and effects of Adam’s original sin. As we shall see, original sin was fading fast among those whose work pointed to secularism during the seventeenth century; it is important to recognize a similar trend – signalling what is to come – among religious fanatics a hundred years earlier.

 

It had become obvious to Luther that not only such ‘Ockhamist’ followers of the ‘modern way’ as Gabriel Biel should be indicted as Pelagian (at least in their accounts of the power – however limited – of the human will to merit salvation ex puris naturalibus) but that the whole medieval tradition had become tainted, not least those ‘intellectualists’ about human action like Aquinas against whose claimed errors extreme voluntarism had been largely developed. According to Luther – a nominalist in dialectic, anti-nominalist in theology – extreme voluntarism, while wholly appropriate in accounts of the hidden God, had spawned blasphemous accounts of man’s fallen nature and moral capacities. (John M. Rist, Augustine Deformed: Love, Sin and Freedom in the Western Moral Tradition [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014], 178-80)

 

 

By the time of his comments on the Leipzig disputations (1519) Luther was clear in his own mind that not only Biel (and the moderni) but also the Scotists and Thomists were infected by Pelagianism. Only Gregory of Rimini was free of it. The rest held that man can follow the dictates of right reason to which the will can naturally conform (WA 2, 384ff.). On Luther’s ignorance of Aquinas’ work see Janz (1983: 32) and (with very substantial bibliography) McSorley (1969: 139–43). Janz identifies the source of much of Luther’s confusion in the ex-Thomist Karlstadt’s misrepresentations, in his 151 (Augustinian) Theses, both of Aquinas himself and of his own former ‘master’ Capreolus. These theses were published in 1517, only four months before Luther’s Disputation against Scholastic Theology. Janz cites as evidence for Karlstadt’s willingness to lie about his opponents a passage of Against the Heavenly Prophets (WA 18, 190) where Luther is even prepared to defend the pope against Karlstadt’s ‘lies’ (Janz 1983: 120–2). Unfortunately, he seems never to have asked himself whether Karlstadt might also have lied about Aquinas and Capreolus. (Ibid., 179-80 n. 8)

 

Thursday, July 9, 2026

"The cup of prayer" containing both "wine and water" in The Gospel of Philip

Source for the following: Geoffrey S. Smith, Valentinian Christianity: Texts and Translations (Oakland, Calif.: University of California Press, 2020)

 

Background:

 

The Gospel of Philip is the third tractate in Nag Hammadi codex II. While the title of the work is ancient, it is misleading, since the work is not a gospel nor does Philip feature prominently in it. Philip’s name may have become part of the work’s title simply because he is the only disciple mentioned in the text, though the three Marys also make appearances, Jesus’s mother, his aunt, and Mary Magdalene, and the latter enjoys a much closer relationship with Jesus than Philip does.

 

The Gospel of Philip is a collection of short passages belonging to various genres, including aphorisms, dialogues, sermons, and epistles, that have been brought together in an anthology. Often connecting these passages, however, are key words that recur throughout the text. These serve to link seemingly disparate passages together. These connecting words lend the Gospel of Philip as a whole an air of coherence, and many scholars interpret the work as though it was composed as a coherent work, inviting eager students to study the text and uncover the mystical connections between seemingly related teachings.

 

Others, however, consider the text to be an eclectic miscellany, a composite text created by someone who was taking notes or copying extracts from a variety of Valentinian works. Those who hold this view find a parallel in the Excerpts of Theodotus, a series of extracts made by Clement of Alexandria from a variety of Valentinian sources. An important difference between the Excerpts of Theodotus and the Gospel of Philip is, however, that Clement includes among the Valentinian excerpts comments of his own. No similar comments appear in the Gospel of

Philip.

 

Whatever the intent of the author or compiler of the Gospel of Philip, the text contains valuable information about Valentinian biblical interpretation and ritual practice. The focus on ritual is particularly striking in the Gospel of Philip, where as many as five rituals are discussed: baptism, chrism, the Lord’s Supper, redemption, and the bridal chamber. (p. 255)

 

English translation (from Coptic):

 

The cup of prayer contains wine and water, because it is established as a type of the blood for which thanks is given. It is filled with the Holy Spirit, and it is the possession of the wholly perfect human. When we drink this, we will receive for ourselves the perfect human. The living water is a body. It is necessary for us to put on the living human. For this reason when he comes and goes down into the water, he undresses himself so that he might put on that one (the living human). (p. 285)

 

Tuesday, July 7, 2026

Update on Health//Gofundme to Support Expenses for Next 3-6 Months

Crossposting from youtube:


Just a final reminder before I head off for today's treatment and final reminder for a while (at least for a few months anyway; hope to have good news by end of September or end of December):


My treatment for my health issues (those who know me personally know what it is, it is liver-related) started last week, and will be every Tuesday and Thursday for 3 or 6 months.

As a result, I will be more or less out of work (bookkeeping/accountancy/translation) for 3-6 months (plus recovery time), so if you can share the gofundme and paypal links in the announcement on discord, twitter/x, youtube, blogs, etc., please do so (and if you have an "in" with a large YT channel like  ⁨@WARDRADIO⁩   ⁨@ChristianHomesteader⁩  or  ⁨@thestickofjoseph⁩  such as Luke at  ⁨@DoctrineAndGovernance⁩  and  ⁨@yeahkwaku⁩  and also  ⁨@thoughtfulfaith2020⁩   ⁨@CwicShow⁩   ⁨@LetsTalk-HaydenCarroll⁩   ⁨@Mormonismexplained⁩   ⁨@TheInterpreterFoundation⁩  please do so and maybe they will "plug" it somehow, too, via their YT posts, tiktok, or whatnot). And if my IRL/online friends such as



Thanks!

Monday, July 6, 2026

Nissim Amzallag on the Consistency of the Old Testament in its theology and not being strictly monotheistic During the Persian and Hellenistic Periods

Against the thesis that there is a radical shift from a form of monolatry to strict monotheism in the Persian and Hellenistic periods:

 

If the development of monotheism is the axis of such an evolutionary process, we may expect the last biblical writings to express a “mature” form of this theology, in which the divine beings other than YHWH are entirely excluded. This premise is unverified, however. In the Book of Zechariah, the prophet explicitly refers not to YHWH, but to a divine emissary speaking through him (hamalak̄ hadob̄ er̄ ). (Zech 1:9, 1:14, 1:19, 2:3, 4:1, 4:4–5, 5:5, 5:10, 6:4–5.) This involvement is accompanied in Zechariah by details about the divine council surrounding YHWH. (Zech 1:11–13, 3:1.) Such a feature present in the earliest evolutionary stages (in which monotheism was supposedly still not differentiated from polytheism) is unexpected in a postexilic opus such as the Book of Zechariah. And this book is not the only late composition displaying this anomaly. The divine council is mentioned in the Book of Job (Job 1:6–12). Proverbs, another late opus, includes explicit references to a female divine being, an Asherah-like goddess personifying Wisdom and present beside YHWH at the early time of creation (Prov 8:22–31). Malachi, the last prophetic book, includes an oracle far from any “mature” form of monotheism: “Behold, I send my messenger, and he will prepare the way before me. And the lord (haʾ̄ ad̄ on̑ ) whom you seek will suddenly come to his temple; And the messenger of the covenant (ûmal ʾak̄ habe˘rît) in whom you delight, behold, he is coming, says YHWH Sebaoth” (Mal 3:1). (The English Standard Version of Bible translation is used in this study, with minor modifications.) This verse does not only introduce the figure of the divine emissary of YHWH, it even claims that this secondary divine being is worshipped by the Israelites, and it even considers the Jerusalem temple as his dominion. Finally, Daniel, one of the latest books, is also the source where divine beings others than YHWH have the highest importance in the Bible.

 

The multiplicity of divine beings, a so-called primitive character, extends to postbiblical compositions. An examination of literary sources from the beginning of the first millennium AD reveals a plethora of divine beings, most of them identified by a name (a condition for their worship), in the Hekhalot literature, the Book of Enoch, and other apocalyptic writings. Peter Hayman concludes that “monotheism” is a “misused word” in Jewish studies. (Hayman 1991: 15.) Nevertheless, this Jewish literature should not be interpreted as a “regression” to a polytheistic faith. Rather, Larry Hurtado notices, in the early Jewish literature, “a remarkable ability to combine a genuine concern for God’s uniqueness together with an interest in other figures or transcendent attributes described in the most exalted terms, ‘principal agent’ figures likened to God in some cases.” (Hurtado 1998: 3) Consequently, no evolutionary trend toward monotheism may be traced throughout a millennium of worship of YHWH by the Israelites. (Nissim Amzallag, Yahweh and the Origins of Ancient Israel: Insights from the Archaeological Record [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2023], 8-9, italics in original)

 

 

Peter Lombard on Immolation in Book 4 of the Sentences

In his popular book against Roman Catholicism, The Church of Rome at the Bar of History (1995), William Webster wrote the following concerning Peter Lombard’s (d. 1160) theology of the Mass:

 

Historically, the word immolate had been used by Fathers and theologians of the Church to refer to the eucharist as a commemoration of the once-for-all sacrifice of Christ. Augustine used the word in this way and his definition became normative for centuries afterwards. For example, Peter Lombard in the twelfth century in his Sentences expressed the Augustinian view in this way:

 

We may briefly reply that what is offered and consecrated by the priest is called a sacrifice and an immolation because it is a memorial and a representation of the true sacrifice and holy immolation made upon the altar of the cross. Christ died once, upon the cross, and there he was immolated in his own person; and yet every day he is immolated sacramentally, because in the sacrament there is a recalling of what was done once.

 

The meaning of the term as it is expressed here is strictly that of a sacramental commemoration, it was not literal. However, Trent’s use of the term added a new dimension of meaning to the word which differs from that of Augustine for he did not view Christ as being physically present in the sacrament, nor the eucharist as a propitiatory sacrifice for sin. Augustine certainly did not teach that the sacrifice of the eucharist was the same as the sacrifice of Calvary. (William Webster, The Church of Rome at the Bar of History [Edinburgh: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1995], 123)

 

Webster gives the following reference (ibid., 227 n. 21):

 

Sentences, book IV, dist. 12, cap. 5. Taken from Francis Clark, Eucharistic Sacrifice and the Reformation (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1967), 407.

 

However, this appears to be a quote-mine from Webster. Before I address Clark’s book, the following is a modern translation of Book IV, Distinction 12, Chapter 5:

 

1. WHETHER IT IS A SACRIFICE, AND IS CHRIST IMMOLATED MORE THAN ONCE. After these matters, it is asked whether what the priest does is properly called a sacrifice or immolation, and whether Christ is immolated every day, or if he was immolated only once.—To this, it may briefly be said that what is offered and consecrated by the priest is called sacrifice and oblation, because it is a remembrance and representation of the true sacrifice and the holy immolation made on the altar of the cross. And indeed Christ died only once, namely on the cross, and there he was immolated in himself; but he is daily immolated in the sacrament, because in the sacrament is made a remembrance of what was done once.

 

2. AUGUSTINE, ON PSALM 20. Hence Augustine: “We have it for certain that Christ, risen from the dead, shall not die again, etc. And yet, lest we forget what was once done, it happens again in our memory every year, namely as often as Easter is celebrated. Is Christ killed so often? And yet the yearly remembrance represents what was once done; and so it causes us to be moved, as if we were seeing the Lord on the cross.” [Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalms, 2, on Ps. 21, n1] —AUGUSTINE, IN THE SENTENCES OF PROSPER. Also: “Christ was immolated once in himself, and yet he is immolated every day in the sacrament. This is to be understood as follows: that in the manifestation of his body and the distinction of his members he hung on the cross only once, offering himself to the Father as an efficacious victim for the redemption of those whom he had predestined.” [Lanfranc, De corpore et sanguine Domini, c15; cf. Augustine, Epistola 98 (ad Bonifacium episcopum), n9]

 

3. AMBROSE, ON THE LETTER TO THE HEBREWS. Also Ambrose: “In Christ was offered once the sacrificial victim which is powerful for salvation. What about us? Do we not offer each day? Although we do offer every day, this is done in remembrance of his death; and there is one victim, not many. How is it one, and not many? Because Christ was offered once. This sacrifice is the precedent of the other; the same, always the same is offered: so this is the sacrifice. But, since the offering is made in many places, are there many Christs? No, but there is one Christ everywhere, being here in his fullness, and there also. Just as what is offered everywhere is one body, so also it is one sacrifice. Christ offered the victim; we offer the same one even now.”—“But that which we do is a remembrance of the sacrifice. Nor is it repeated because of its own deficiency, since it perfects man; no, it is because of ours, since we sin daily.” [Rather, John Chrysostom, Homiliae in epistolam ad Hebraeos, hom. 17, n3, on Heb. 10, 1.]

 

4. ON THE POWER OF THE SACRAMENT. From these statements, it is gathered that what is done at the altar is and is called a sacrifice; and that Christ was offered once, and is offered every day; but in one way then, in another now. And it is also shown what the power of this sacrament is, namely the remission of venial sins and the perfecting of virtue. (Peter Lombard, The Sentences, 4 vols. [trans. Giulio Silano; Mediaeval Sources in Translation 48; Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2010], 4:64-65)

 

In Clark’s book, which Webster referenced, comments thusly on the third paragraph:

 

This passage is of great interest, for no text was more constantly quoted by the Catholic theologians, both before and during the Reformation, to explain the doctrine of the Mass. . . . The Master of the Sentences comments: ‘From these passages we gather that what is done at the altar both is called and is a sacrifice, and that Christ was offered once and is offered daily, but in different manner then and now’. Another reason why the passage from ‘Ambrose’ became the most celebrated of all the texts relating to the Mass was its inclusion, as well as in the Sentences of Lombard, in the collections of the decretalists, notably in those of Ivo of Chartres († 1116) and of Gratian († c. 1158). Their works were, with the Sentences, the commonplace- books of the mediaeval scholastics, most of whom took their citations from the Fathers not from the original sources but from these convenient stores. (Francis Clark, Eucharistic Sacrifice and the Reformation [London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1960], 75, 76)

 

It appears that Webster (and those who follow him and/or similar quotes from Lombard, without reading Lombard’s Sentences) is engaging in a quote-mine. While I am very critical of Roman Catholic theology, I have never been much of a fan of Webster. His works are good for bibliography (he often quotes directly from good secondary sources, such as the works of Eno), but Webster himself is a lousy critic of Catholicism.

Blog Archive