MEDICINAL PLANTS AND TREATMENTS
In the ethnographic and
ethnohistoric literature of contemporary Southeastern Mesoamerica, medicinal
plants are prepared and used in a wide variety of ways (Lentz 1986, 1993; Lentz
et al. 1998; Nelson Sutherland 1986; Standley and Steyermark 1946). Whole
plants or constituent parts may be applied directly or transformed into special
concoctions by boiling, mashing, burning, grating, and grinding; teas or
infusions may be prepared from flowers, leaves and bark; and resins and latex
may be extracted from a variety of plants and trees.
Various economic tree and plant
species are planted and tended in contemporary Maya communities, including many
with medical uses recorded in ethnographic research (Abramiuk et al. 2011;
Anderson 1995; Atran et al. 2004; Avilez-López et al. 2020; Balick and Arvigo
2015; Barrera Marín et al. 1976; Berlin et al. 1974; Blanco and Thiagarajan
2017; Breedlove and Laughlin 1993a, 1993b; Casagrande 2002; Castañeda Medinilla
and Aceituno de García 1978; Cook 2016; Hanks 1990; Kashanipour and McGee 2004;
Kufer et al. 2005; Pérez-Nicolás et al. 2017; Redfield 1950; Thiel and Quinlan
2020; Walshe-Roussel et al. 2019). In some cases, the Maya even set aside parts
of the forest as reserves that included medicinal plants (Anderson 1995:141).
Medicinal plants and food plants,
of course, are not mutually exclusive categories. While some medicinal plants
were consumed for their healing properties, others were incorporated into
medicines as part of the preparation process (Ankli et al. 1999:147). Moreover,
in books of incantations, such as the Ritual of the Bacabs (Roys 1965), some
plants are merely cited—called upon for their spiritual properties, even in
cases where the plant itself was not physically used in the ceremony or healing
practice. Many medicinal plants also had diverse healing properties. Several of
the identified plant species recovered from the Southeast Marketplace have been
recorded with multiple medical uses based on ethnohistoric and ethnographic
reports.
Fisherman’s tobacco (Borrichia
arborescens; Asteraceae), recovered in the form of several charred seeds from
the interior of the market area and adjacent to Structure S-18 (Table 2), is a
source of medicine and food currently found in Southern Florida, the Yucatan
Peninsula, Belize, and the West Indies (Lentz and Dickau 2005:244; Nash and
Williams 1976:215; Setzer et al. 2015:11). The species may also correspond to
the single sunflower family (Asteraceae) phytolith recovered from residues on a
human maxillary molar (Table 1). The B. arborescens shrub grows on rocky
beaches, dunes, or areas bordering mangrove swamps (Collantes-Chávez-Costa et
al. 2019:143; Flores-Olvera et al. 2016:Table 17.1; Nash and Williams
1976:215). Its leaves are made into a tea used to treat whooping cough, back
pain, and colds in the Exumas; decoctions are used to relieve colds, coughs,
and back pain in the Bahamas; and the plant is used as a treatment for
influenza in Barbados (Cohall and Carrington 2012:Table 2; Eldridge 1975:325; Setzer
et al. 2015:11).
Nance (Byrsonima crassifolia;
Malpighiaceae) also has a wide variety of different usages. This tree grows as
far north as Florida and as far south as Brazil (Maldonado-Peralta et al. 2016)
and is found in the countries of Trinidad, St. Martin, and Puerto Rico
(Rivero-Cruz et al. 2009:156). Its fruits are edible (Maldonado- Peralta et al.
2016; Martínez-Vásquez et al. 1999:79; Oliveira et al. 2017:134) and even can
be fermented to make chicha (Lentz and Dickau 2005:128). Its wood is used for
fuel, construction, and charcoal (Breedlove and Laughlin 1993b:418; Laughlin
1975:248). Extracts from this tree’s wood and bark are used to create dyes and
can also be used as treatment for diarrhea (Balick and Arvigo 2015:112; Geck et
al. 2020:Table 3; Lentz and Dickau 2005:128), coughs, skin infections, snake
bites (Rastrelli et al. 1997:647; Rivero-Cruz et al. 2009:156), and dysentery
(Breedlove and Laughlin 1993b:436; Laughlin 1975:248; Muñiz Ramirez et al.
2013:27). Nance is also recorded as a treatment for loose teeth, toothaches,
and a means to improve overall oral hygiene (Breedlove and Laughlin 1993b:439;
Lentz and Dickau 2005:128; Muñiz Ramirez et al. 2013:27; Rivero-Cruz et al.
2009:156). Tzotzil people treat loose teeth by brewing nance bark and holding
it in their mouths, or they simply chew the bark raw (Laughlin 1975:248).
Byrsonima crassifolia was recovered in the form of several charred seeds from
the interior of Structure S-7 in the market area (Table 2), as well as 125 wood
fragments from across the marketplace area (Table 3).
Trumpet tree (Cecropia peltata;
Cecropiaceae) currently grows as far north as Mexico and as far south as Brazil
(Fleming and Williams 1990:163; Nayak 2006:20), and this medium-sized tree of
the Lowlands can be found in open fields (Michel et al. 2007: Table 1). The
taxon was recovered solely in the form of a single charred seed from the market
area (Table 2). Trumpet tree can be used to treat a wide variety of skin
ailments ranging from ringworm to infections (Balick and Arvigo 2015:495–497).
Furthermore, it has been recorded as a treatment for chills, fatigue
(Kashanipour and McGee 2004:55), diarrhea, and arthritis, and it can be used as
a mouthwash to manage bad breath (Balick and Arvigo 2015: 495–497). Lacandon
Maya soak crushed Cecropia peltata leaves in cool water, then ingest the
mixture in small doses to treat chills and fatigue (Kashanipour and McGee
2004:55). The Q’eqchi’ use the leaves from the trumpet tree to help expel
placentas, lower wombs, and to treat insomnia and nerves (Michel et al. 2007:Table
1).
Creeping false holly (Jaltomata
procumbens; Solanaceae) is a herb found in thickets or forests in the
Southwestern United States through Panama (Lentz and Dickau 2005:217). The
leaves can be ingested as a potherb and as a remedy for stomach aches and bowel
pains, and its fruit is edible (Breedlove and Laughlin 1993a:218; Cagnato
2018:184; Lentz and Dickau 2005:217). In Colombia, this species is used as a
diuretic and as means to treat fevers (Gyllenhaal et al. 1986:Table 1). This
species was recorded by Martín de la Cruz in the Cruz-Badiano Codex, an
indigenousauthored manuscript and the earliest surviving book of medicine
written in the Americas (Chavarría and Espinosa 2019:17). In the Cruz-Badiano
Codex, it is recorded that a distillate of Jaltomata procumbens roots can be
used to treat eyes that are being affected by an illness (Chavarría and
Espinosa 2019:17). Creeping false holly is currently used as a treatment for
ulcers, bilis, diarrhea, and nerves in Mexico (Chavarría and Espinosa 2019:17).
This taxon was recovered in the form of several charred seeds, from only one
location in the marketplace area (Table 2).
Jamaican pepper (Piper hispidum;
Piperaceae), recovered solely from beside Structure S-18 in the form of seven
charred seeds (Table 2), is a common shrub that grows in the American tropics
in secondary growth and along streambanks of seasonal evergreen forests
(Breedlove and Laughlin 1993a:159). The flowers, leaves, roots, and stems are
utilized in medical and healing practices (Choco et al. 2018:Table 1; Lentz and
Dickau 2005:51). The black pepper family (Piperaceae) is full of species that
are used by Maya people to cure a variety of ailments. Piperaceae species are
used to treat the disorders that affect the muscular-skeletal system, digestive
system, infections, genitourinary system, and cellular tissue (Blanco and
Thiagarajan 2017:Table 1; Geck et al. 2020: Table 3; Lentz and Dickau 2005:51).
Tea made from the leaves of Piper hispidum can be consumed to treat
constipation and urinary stoppage (Breedlove and Laughlin 1993a:159), and the
unprocessed leaves and flowers are used to treat insect and snake bites and it
can be used as a skin cleanser (Lentz and Dickau 2005:51; Lentz et al.
1998:Table 1). Piper hispidum can also treat muscle pain, coughing, and general
ailments and sicknesses (Balick and Arvigo 2015:423). The Q’eqchi use the
leaves of the plant to treat dysmenorrhea, amenorrhea, and body aches (Michel
et al. 2007:Table 1).
Evening primrose (Oenothera
laciniata; Onagraceae), recovered from the interior of the market area in the
form of a single charred seed (Table 2), is used to treat inflammations,
diabetes, and infections (Munir et al. 2017; Rodríguez-Chávez et al. 2017).
Oenothera laciniata is naturalized in South America and is also found in the
eastern United States (Dietrich and Wagner 1988). This species occurs in a
great diversity of habitats and in 1988 it was recorded as a “nearly
cosmopolitan weed” (Dietrich and Wagner 1988:9). A 2017 study revealed that the
roots and stems of this plant have good antioxidant activity (Munir et al.
2017). Species within the genus Oenothera have been noted for a range of
incredible healing properties, but some of the larger categories include
antioxidants, anti-inflammatories, and antimicrobials (Ko et al. 2021). In
Korea, the root of Oenothera laciniata is classified as an anti-inflammatory
drug that can treat skin ailments like burns and boils (Yoon et al. 2009:429).
It has also been claimed to be effective in treating asthma, chronic cough, and
tuberculosis in Korea (Yoon et al. 2009:429). However, in spite of its
perceived efficacy elsewhere in the world, to date there are no recorded uses
in the Maya area.
Plants in the sunflower family
(Asteraceae) aid the healing of a wide range of ailments. Various species are
used to treat ailments of the circulatory, digestive, integumentary, muscular,
renal, reproductive, and respiratory systems (Rodríguez-Chávez et al.
2017:Table 1). Specific examples of their many uses by modern communities
include the treatment of snake bites, uterine infections, menstrual cramps,
stomach aches, muscle soreness, toothaches, and mouth sores (Balick and Arvigo
2015:202–222; Caamal-Fuentes et al. 2011: Table 2; Kashanipour and McGee
2004:Appendix 1; Lentz and Dickau 2005:243–252; Michel et al. 2007:Table 1;
Paulraj et al. 2013:3; Rodríguez-Chávez et al. 2017:Table 1). We recovered
residues from the sunflower family in two of our analyses, as charred seeds in
the general marketplace area and inside Structure S-7 (Table 2), and as
phytoliths on discarded human teeth (Table 1).
We recovered pine family
(Pinaceae) residues as pollen adhering to two human teeth (Table 1) and as two
charred wood fragments in marketplace deposits (Table 3). The resinous wood of
pine trees has been used in several healing and sacred ceremonies (Balick and
Arvigo 2015; Morehart et al. 2005). We posit here that the resin itself—with
pollen trapped inside—may have been used in dental health preparations. We have
found no other types of pollen associated with human teeth, as might be
expected with the consumption of honey, and we have found no other pine family
pollen outside of these tooth residues. Pine family taxa are the only specimens
we recovered that are nonlocal, given local habitat availability and the needs
of pine species to survive. Thus, we argue, pine family products would have
been specially acquired, as we discuss further on. The concentrations of balsam
(Myroxylon balsamum) charcoal identified in Late Classic occupation levels
adjacent to Structure S-18 in the marketplace (42 specimens; Table 3) may
indicate the use of the fragrant resinous bark as a curative ingredient.
Similarly to pine, this taxon has been used both in medicinal decoctions and
burned to drive away evil spirits (Balick and Arvigo 2015). The bark, root,
leaves, or resin of other wood taxa identified in the charcoal also have
medicinal properties. For example, decoction of lancewood (Mosannona depressa;
n = 2) root is used as diuretic; the ground bark of habin (Piscidia piscipula;
n = 34) serves for toothache; bark of pukte (Bucida buceras; n = 1) helps cure
skin eruptions; and the leaves of succoutz (Drypetes brownie; n = 19) are
toasted and powdered to treat mycosis (Atran et al. 2004; Balick and Arvigo
2015; see Table 3). (Sarah E. Watson, Joshua T. Schnell, Shanti Morell-Hart,
Andrew K. Scherer, and Lydie Dussol, “Health
Care in the Marketplace: Exploring Maya Medicinal Plants and Practices at
Piedras Negras, Guatemala,” Ancient Mesoamerica 34, no. 2 [2023]:
393-95, 397-98)
DISCUSSION
Despite the fact that most of the
identified plants have multiple uses, including nonmedicinal applications, the
presence of such an abundance and diversity of botanical remains with medicinal
properties helps support the hypothesis that the Southeast Marketplace was a
place of both healing and exchange. It is highly likely that a range of healing
practices were conducted in this area alongside common marketplace activities
such as the procurement and selling of durable goods and foodstuffs.
Paired with the bioarchaeological
findings, our analyses suggest that some plants were used to treat tooth
ailments. At least four of the eight identified taxa (Byrsonima crassifolia,
Cecropia peltata, and Asteraceae family species) have recorded uses in oral
health treatments which corroborates the previous discovery of therapeutic
tooth extractions in the marketplace (Schnell and Scherer 2021). Byrsonima
crassifolia is used as a treatment for loose teeth and toothaches in Mexico
(Breedlove and Laughlin 1993b:439; Muñiz Ramirez et al. 2013:27; Rivero-Cruz et
al. 2009:156). The Tzotzil people brew nance bark and hold it in their mouths,
or they simply chew the bark raw to treat loose teeth (Laughlin 1975: 248). In
Belize, Cecropia peltata leaves are brewed into a tea to treat bad breath
caused by liver ailments (Balick and Arvigo 2015:496). Additionally, plants in
the Asteraceae family have a plethora of different usages. Some species are
specifically used to treat toothaches, gum pain, and bad breath in Mexico and
Belize (Balick and Arvigo 2015:206–222; Rodríguez-Chávez et al. 2017: Table 1).
These plants may have been sold or traded, but also could have been used
on-site by dental practitioners or other specialists offering services to
market patrons.
Moreover, there is evidence that
Piedras Negras residents may have used pine family resins in some way for tooth
ailments, given the pine family pollen recovered from two pathological teeth
that had been pulled and discarded with other marketplace trash. Furthermore,
there is evidence of pine resin used in dental health in the Maya area (the
resinous wood is brewed as tea for loose teeth by the Tzotzil; Breedlove and
Laughlin 1993b:439) and elsewhere in the world (as “chewing gum”;
Carrión-Prieto et al. 2018). Recent organic compositional analyses of ancient,
modified Maya teeth have also revealed the presence of pine family residues
(Bolio et al. 2021), supporting the general use of pine species with dental
preparations. Resin-filled wood of pine is used by modern practitioners in the
Maya area to treat coughs (boiled) or parasites (powdered and consumed), and
the smoke from the burning wood can serve as insect repellent (Balick and
Arvigo 2015). Other, similar tree resins may point to additional uses of pine
resin. For example, in Belize, copal resin (Protium copal) is used to extract
teeth. Fresh resin is applied to the cavity of a decayed tooth which then
swells up and breaks the tooth apart, leaving the pieces to be removed by hand
(Balick and Arvigo 2015:243).
In the case of the plant remains
from the Southeast Marketplace, it is difficult to know which human agents were
responsible for bringing these plant remains into the market or how many of
these plants were used. We suspect some fragrant wood charcoals are associated
with sweatbath activities, and the pine family pollen residues are associated
with resin preparations for dental health. We know that contemporary stands of
pine are at least 30 km distant from Piedras Negras, and would have required
special acquisition and movement, similar to the transport of pine for
ritualized purposes at Tikal, as documented by Lentz and colleagues (2015). All
the other plants are currently found nearby, though it is difficult to assess
which were growing in the immediate vicinity of the site and which were traded
in from more distant forest stands and wetlands.
Our macrobotanical findings
provide insight into the types of activities other than healing that were
likely taking place within the Southeast Marketplace. For example, an abundance
of carbonized seeds and wood discovered in situ suggests that some plants were
processed directly on the spot. These data support the hypothesis that
preparation and production was as much a part of market activities as the
exchange and sale of durable goods. Such findings are consistent with
ethnohistoric accounts of Maya markets during the colonial period (Las Casas
1958), as well as the lithic (Roche Recinos 2021) and bone (Schnell 2017)
evidence from the Southeast Marketplace.
Alongside the recovered plant
remains with recorded medical uses, there were also several species that are
consumed as a source of food. Residues from matrices in the marketplace
included charred seeds from the goosefoot family and the common bean, as well
as a carbonized food glob containing maize and an amaranth species, suggesting
that food preparation and cooking occurred in ancient marketplaces just as they
do across the world today. In the past 15 years, there has been an increase in
ancient Maya marketplace studies (Bair 2010; Cap 2015a; Chase and Chase 2014;
Dahlin et al. 2007; Hirth 2009; Shaw 2012; Shaw and King 2015), suggesting that
foodstuffs were almost certainly among the goods exchanged and thus should be
expected in the archaeological record (Fedick 2017a, 2017b). Indeed, specific
plant species indicative of common Mesoamerican foodstuffs, such as chiles,
beans, maize, and tomatoes, previously have been identified in marketplace
excavations (Coronel et al. 2015; Eppich and Freidel 2015; Fedick 2017b; King
2015). If, however, we think beyond the traditional exchange of foodstuffs and
durable trade goods and assume that other activities, such as the offering of
medical services, was conducted in such places, we would expect a greater
diversity of plant species.
We suggest that our findings from
the Southeast Marketplace are consistent with data reported in the broader
literature on marketplace activities, where medicinal practice forms a common
part of market activities and may have specialized areas. To date, however,
this is the first marketplace targeted for research on medicinal practice. We
suspect that other marketplaces in the ancient Maya world also have evidence of
such activities, but identifying them would require a targeted approach to the
paleoethnobotanical remains and osteological remains, if available.
Given the remains of medicinal
herbs, seeds, and fruits, alongside woods with fragrant and healing smoke, all
found in proximity to a high concentration of sweatbaths and discarded human
teeth with pathologies, the evidence is compelling that this area was a locus
of medical practice, among other activities. Medicinal plants and services were
likely sought out by visitors to the marketplace, in some cases looking for
specific practitioners and in other cases seeking access to particular
medicinal plants that didn’t grow in their own home gardens and forest stands.
Given the formalized sweatbaths and the expertise often implicated in
successful health care, and specifically dental extractions, we argue for the
presence of medical practitioners who might have possessed specialized
knowledge and helped to manage the physical and spiritual health of the
community. (Ibid., 398-99)