Saturday, July 5, 2025

Abraham Tal in the BHQ and the Targums on Genesis 20:13

  

13        הִתְע֣וּ The syntactic agreement between the subject אלהים and its predicate התעו was problematic for Smr, which adopted the singular to make sure that no plurality of God is put into the mouth of Abraham. See Schorch, “Anti-polytheistischen Korrekturen,” 15. Such a problem did not bother the versions whose term for God is singular by nature (G, V), or by choice (S). In fact, the versions are mainly concerned about the negative denotation of the verb תעה, which is troublesome in connection with אלהים (cf. 2 Kgs 21:9; Isa 9:15; Jer 23:13; etc.). Therefore, they attribute to the verb the sense of “to lead.” Medieval Jewish exegesis took the same approach (Qimḥi, Rashi). The Targumim, however, unable to ignore the frequent meaning of “erring,” “going astray,” attributed the verb to pagans. TJ and TN refer to the story about the attempts made by Nimrod to force Abraham into idolatrous worship (b. Pesaḥ. 118a; Gen. Rab. 38:13). TO distinguishes between the nations that went astray in idolatry, and Israel, whom God brought near to the fear of him. See Prijs, Jüdische Tradition, 81. (Abraham Tal, Genesis: Critical Apparatus and Notes, Quinta editione, vol. 1, Biblia Hebraica Quinta [Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2015], 48)

 

 

 

Targum Pseudo-Jonathan:

 

 

      והוה כד בעו לאטעאה יתי פלחי טעוותא ונפקית מבית איבא ואמרית )לה( טיבותיך דתעבדין עימי לכל אתרא דינהך לתמן אימרי עלי דאחי הוא

 

 

English:

 

“And it came to pass that, when they came to ensnare her, the battalions of temptation issued forth from the gatehouse and said to her:

‘Your good deeds, which you have done with me throughout every land under your jurisdiction—there you shall proclaim of me that he is my brother.’”

 

 

Targum Onqelos to the Pentateuch:

 

 

13      וַהֲוָה כַד טְעֹו עַמְמַיָא בָתַר עוּבָדֵי יְדֵיהֹון וְיָתִי קָרֵיב יוי לְדַחלְתֵיה מִבֵית אַבָא וַאֲמַרִית לַה דָא טֵיבוּתִיך דְתַעבְדִין עִמִי לְכֹל אֲתַר דִנהָך לְתַמָן אֵימַרִי עֲלַי אֲחִי הוּא׃

 

 

English:

 

 

“Now it came to pass that the nations wandered astray, chasing after the works of their own hands.

The LORD then drew near to humble them from their ancestral home.

You must say to her, ‘Behold these blessings—your faithful service to Me wherever I place you.’

And at last you shall proclaim of Me, ‘He is my brother.’”

 

 

Targum Neofiti to the Pentateuch:

 

 

13      והוה כד בעין עממיא }}לאטעאה{{ יתי בתר טעוותהון וממרה דייי דבר יתיה מן ביתה דאבה ואמרית לה דן חסדיך די תעבדון עמי לכל אתר די נעול לתמן אמרי כען עלי אחי

 

 

English:

 

 

“And it came to pass, when in the eyes of the peoples they sought to ensnare her, that after her temptations and rebellions the word of the Lord went out from her father’s house and spoke to her:

‘Now therefore, your mercies which you show me in every place that is locked up, there proclaim: “Thus far is my brother.”’”

 

Ralph W. Klein and Gary N. Knoppers on 1 Chronicles 21:1 and the Nature of the "Satan" Figure

  

1 Satan stood up against Israel: According to 2 Sam 24:1, “The anger of Yahweh was again kindled against Israel and he [Yahweh] incited David to number the people.” Chronicles omits the clause about Yahweh’s anger being kindled “again” from the Vorlage, since this links back to 2 Sam 21:1–14, a passage not included in Chronicles, which told of a three-year famine because of the bloodguilt stemming from the house of Saul. Chronicles also replaces the problematic idea of Yahweh’s anger leading to his temptation of David to number the people, and it attributes this temptation instead to Satan.5 Satan’s motivation is unknown and irrelevant to the Chronicler’s purpose, but Satan plays a similar accusatory role in his other two occurrences in the OT: the prologue to the book of Job (chaps. 1–2) and the postexilic prophet Zechariah (3:1–2*). Only in Chronicles, however, does this word lack the definite article and therefore function as a personal name. Japhet, 374–75, notes that the figure of Satan does not appear elsewhere in Chronicles and that angels appear in this work only when they are already present in the Chronicler’s sources (in this chapter and 2 Chr 32:21). Since this figure in v. 1 does not appear in the divine realm and his incitement is against David rather than against God, she proposes that what is meant is a human adversary. But the use of the verb “stand” (עמד) in a legal sense, used also with “the adversary” in Zech 3:1, and the use of the verb “incited” (סות), also used with “the adversary” in Job 2:3,  suggest that a supernatural tempter/accuser is indeed intended. A similar use of Satan to lessen problematic actions by Yahweh can be seen in the later book of Jubilees, where it was Mastema (= Satan) who suggested to God that he test Abraham by having him sacrifice Isaac (Gen 22:1; Jub. 17:15–18), and who replaced Yahweh as the agent who tried to kill Moses on his way to Egypt (Exod 4:24; Jub. 48:2). Rudolph, 143, notes that the Tg conflates and harmonizes the contrasting notions of the cause of the census in Samuel and Kings by having Yahweh cause Satan to stand up against Israel. In tempting David, Satan puts Israel itself at risk.

 

and incited David to number Israel: Censuses were ordinarily taken for purposes of taxation or military conscription. The latter is clearly intended here since it is conducted by Joab, David’s chief army officer and the commanders of the troops, and the results are listed according to those “who drew the sword.” The Chronicler changed the name of the group to be numbered from “Israel and Judah” in 2 Sam 24:1 to “Israel” alone in 1 Chr 21:1—that is, the whole nation of Israel (the numbers for Judah in v. 5 are secondary; see below). He also omitted from the Vorlage בהם “against them,” which would imply that David engaged in hostile action against Israel. (Ralph W. Klein, 1 Chronicles: A Commentary [Hermeneia—a Critical and Historical Commentary on the Bible; Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress Press, 2006], 418–419)

 

 

21:1. “an adversary” (śāṭān). So MT and LXXB (diabolos). LXXL Satan. MT 2 Sam 24:1 reads, “and Yhwh was angry again against Israel and incited David.” Tg. conflates the reading of 2 Sam 24:1 with that of 1 Chr 21:1, “and Yhwh raised up Satan.” This is the only mention of śāṭān in Chronicles and it requires some discussion. Most translations render śāṭān as a proper name, “Satan.” This is possible (e.g., LXXL), but śāṭān is normally an indefinite noun (Num 22:22, 32; 1 Sam 29:4; 2 Sam 19:23 [ET 19:22]; 1 Kgs 5:18 [ET 5:4]; 11:14, 23, 25; Ps 109:6). As Japhet (1989: 145–49) and Day (1988: 127–45) have argued, the most plausible meaning for the noun śāṭān is “an (anonymous) adversary.” The celestial adversary of Yhwh in Job 1–2, a kind of prosecuting attorney in the divine council, is rendered with the definite article haśśāṭān. See also the use of haśśāṭān in Zech 3:1, 2, rendered with the article in LXX (ho diabolos). To put the case somewhat differently, if śāṭān is being used as a proper name in 21:1, whether of a certain (otherwise unknown) human person named Satan or of a divine intermediary (“Satan”), this is the only instance in the entire HB in which the term has such a denotation. It thus seems preferable to interpret śāṭān according to its normal usage as an indefinite noun.

“to take a census.” Literally, “to number” (limnôt). Indirect discourse is found in both MT and LXX 21:1, whereas 2 Sam 24:1 has direct discourse, “(incited David) against them saying, ‘Go and take a count.’ ”

 

“Israel.” So MT and LXX. In anticipation of 2 Sam 24:9, 2 Sam 24:1 adds “and Judah.” (Gary N. Knoppers, 1 Chronicles 10-29: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary [Anchor Yale Bible 12A; New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008], 743-44)

 

 

Friday, July 4, 2025

David J. A. Clines Defending צַלְמָוֶת as "Shadow of Death" in Isaiah 9:2 (Hebrew: 9:1)

  

 18.0.1 n.[m.] shadow of death, gloom, deep darkness, compound of צֵל shadow and מָוֶת death (מָוֶת perh. being understood as indicating a superlative, thus deep darkness*), or em. all occurrences to צַלְמוֹת darkness or צַלְמוּת darkness, <obj> הפך turn (into) Am 5:8. <cstr> אֶרֶץ צַלְמָוֶת land of the shadow of death Is 9:2; Jr 2:6, גֵּיא valley of Ps 23:4. <prep> לְ into, + שׂים place, i.e. turn Jr 13:16; בְּ of instrument, by (means of), with, + כסה pi. cover Ps 44:19, שׂוך fence in 1QH 1333. <coll> צַלְמָוֶתעֲרָפֶל darkness Jr 13:16, לַיְלָה night Am 5:8; + צִיָּה dryness, dry ground Jr 2:6, נֶשֶׁף twilight, i.e. darkness Jr 13:16; :: אוֹר light Is 9:2; Jr 13:16, בֹּקֶר morning Am 5:8.

Also perh. 4QPrFêtesc 1893.

<syn> עֲרָפֶל darkness, לַיְלָה night.

<ant> אוֹר light, בֹּקֶר morning.

צֵל shadow + מָוֶת death. (The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, 7:125)

 

 

. . . the noun ṣlmwt, which is traditionally vocalised in MT as ṣalmāwet, and was so understood also by the Septuagint (skia thanatou), has been thought by many to have been originally ṣalmût, the Massoretic vocalisation being due to a popular etymology. But D. Winton Thomas has shown that the form ṣalmāwet, though unusual, is entirely acceptable from the standpoint of the Hebrew language. His view that māwet is used merely as a superlative, and that ṣalmāwet means simply “deep darkness”, is not so convincing, but the validity of the traditional vocalisation is not dependent on this hypothesis. It is perhaps preferable to understand māwet in the sense of evil powers encroaching upon life, for physical death is not in view in most of the contexts in which ṣalmawet occurs. One cannot prove that ṣalmût was not the original vocalisation, but such a supposition appears unnecessary. (David J. A. Clines, “The Etymology of Hebrew Ṣelem,” Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages 3 [1974]: 23–24)

 

Nina E. Livesey on First Clement's Knowledge of the Pauline Epistles

In spite of a batcrap crazy thesis (Paul did not write any of the letters attributed to them, and they were all composed after the Bar-Kochba revolt; ergo, 1 Clement and other works are much later than traditionally dated, etc), Nina E. Livesey is forced to concede that 1 Clement does indeed quote the Pauline epistles (showing Paul’s epistles predates 1 Clement [traditionally mid-90s, though I hold to the theory it was written in the year 69, just before the destruction of the Second Temple]):

 

First Clement, however, is aware of Pauline letters. It certainly knows I Corinthians. In an often-cited passage, the leaders in Rome (the purported letter senders) urge the Corinthian addressees to "take up the epistle of the blessed Paul the apostle" (I Clem. 47.1). Yet it is likely that I Clement is also aware of other Pauline letters, including especially Romans. The vice list (I Clem. 35.5-6) is the best evidence that I Clement knew Romans (1:29-32). While I Clement lists fewer vices than Romans, the two inventories begin and end with formulae that harmonize in content and language. Barnett finds verbal agreement between Rom 9:4 and I Clem. 32.2 and stylistic agreement between Rom 6:1 and I Clem. 33.1. Moreover, the narrative setting as envisioned in I Clement - a letter that claims to be from a community in Rome - is itself suggestive that the author knew of the Pauline letter to the Romans.

 

Using a similar methodology as the one used to indicate literary dependency on I Corinthians and Romans, Barnett also finds it probable that I Clement made use of 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, and Philippians. In addition, it seems clear that I Clement knew Hebrews (I Clem. 36.2 [Heb I:3-4]; I Clem. 36.3 [Heb 1:7]; I Clem. 36.4 [Heb I:5]; I Clem. 36.5 [Heb I:13]). (Nina E. Livesey, The Letters of Paul in their Roman Literary Context: Reassessing Apostolic Authorship [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2024], 117-18)

 

 

Edward Mason Curtis (1984) on "Image" and "Likeness" in Genesis 1:26-28 and 5:1

  

A comparison of Gen.1:26-28 with 5:1 suggests that there is no essential difference between the two words here. This does not mean that the two words are exactly synonymous but they do seem to communicate a similar idea. The word dĕmût seems to be a more abstract word. It comes from a root that means "to be like, to resemble." Ezekiel frequently uses the term in describing various visions and the effect of his using the word in describing the strange things that he saw is to suggest that while the thing seen resembled something it was in fact unlike the only things compare it (e.g. Ezek. 1:5, 10, 16, 22, 26, 28;8:2; 10:1, 10, 21, 22). The described by dĕmût does not seem to be confined to a physical one since Isa. 13:4 talks about "the sound of a tumult on the mountains like (dĕmût ) many people." It is interesting to note that a cognate of the word is used in the Aramaic inscription from Tell Fekheriye (lines 1 and 15) and the word seems to be a synonym of ṣelem, "image," which is also used in the inscription (lines 12 and 16) (see BA 45 (1982), 137-38 and MDOG 113, p. 113). The word dĕmût is used in 2 Chr. 4:3 of the figures of oxen that supported the molten sea in front of the temple, and thus the word is used in a similar way in at least one other instance in the Bible though apparently without the negative connotations associated with the word ṣelem.

 

The idea that man is somehow like God or the gods is expressed in Mesopotamia in the stories about man's creation from the flesh and blood of a god (Atraḫasis and Enuma Elish) and Miller (JBL 91, 296-97) makes the interesting suggestion that two originally independent ideas (i.e. man's likeness to God and man’s kingly position) may have been combined in these Genesis passages. Thus it is possible that an idea about the creation of man from Israel's Mesopotamian background was combined with an Egyptian idea to produce the account in Gen. 1:26-28. (Edward Mason Curtis, “Man as the Image of God in Genesis in the Light of Ancient Near Eastern Parallels” [PhD Dissertation; University of Pennsylvania, 1984], 377 n. 112)

 

 

Johannes Tromp on Jude 9, Zechariah 3, and the Assumption of Moses

  

a. The Greek fragments

 

Later Greek authors who quote, or allude to, As. Mos. shed light on the contents of the lost ending. Students of As. Mos. have detailed many such passages from ecclesiastical literature, and these have been conveniently arranged by A.-M. Denis in his Fragmenta Pseudepigraphorum Graecorum of 1970. As will be shown below, however, there are only four passages that derive with certainty from As. Mos., three of which occur in Gelasius' Ecclesiastical History, one in the Epistle of Jude.

 

Gelasius Cyzicenus (t ca. 476), whose quotation from As. Mos. 1:14 ensures the identification of our text as the ‘Αναληψις Μωσεως (see the Introduction, section V, a), includes two more quotations referring to a dispute between the archangel Michael and the devil which come from what must have been the end of As. Mos. Since a comparison of Gelasius' abundant quotations from biblical books with the Septuagint text shows that they conform to the latter with great accuracy, we can also assume that these two quotations from the Assumption of Moses are trustworthy. They refer to a dispute between the archangel Michael and the devil. Since Jude 9 contains a passage which corresponds almost word for word to Gelasius' quotation concerning the quarrel between Michael and the devil, it can safely be assumed that Jude 9, too, goes back to the lost ending of As. Mos. The quotation from As. Mos. in the Epistle of Jude enables us to deduce that the dispute concerned Moses' body.

 

. . .

 

The archangel's words quoted in Jude 9 are also found in Zech. 3:2, again in the context of a discussion between Michael and the devil. In a vision, the prophet sees the high priest Joshua standing before the angel of the Lord and Satan standing at his right hand to oppose him (του αντικεισθαι αυτω 3:1). A mitre is set upon the high priest's head, and he is clothed in radiant garments. He is furthermore ordered to walk in the Lord's ways. Because Satan apparently objects to this, probably accusing Joshua of sinful behaviour, the angel of the Lord says to him: Επιτιμησαι κυριος εν σοι, διαβολε. I suspect that this scene from Zechariah's visions has taken on a life of its own, and re-emerged, with a different application, in As. Mos.2 In short, a tradition concerning someone called Joshua has been applied to Moses, a comprehensible development in view of the common association of another Joshua with Moses in the Old Testament. Jude 9 may then be accepted as a quotation of As. Mos., not of Zech. 3:2. (Johannes Tromp, The Assumption of Moses: A Critical Edition with Commentary [Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1993], 271, 273, emphasis in bold added)

 

Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627-1704) Interpreting Zechariah 13 :2-3 as a Reference to the Inter-Testamental Period

Commenting on the book of Malachi, we find the following in book 2, chapter 11 (“The Prophecy of Malachi, Who is the Last of the Prophets, and the Completion of the Temple [French: LA PROPHÉTIE DE MALACHIE, QUI EST LE DERNIER DES PROPHÈTES, ET L'ACHÈVEMENT DU SECOND TEMPLE]):

 

At length the Temple is finished. Victims are sacrificed, but the covetous Jews present only defective offerings. Malachi, who reproves them for it, is raised to a higher thought: upon the occasion of the polluted offerings of the Jews, he sees that an offering which is always pure and never tainted will be presented to God, no longer, as in the past, only in the Temple of Jerusalem, but from the rising of the sun, even unto the going down: no longer by the Jews but by the Gentiles, among whom, he prophesies, the name of God shall be great.

 

Like Haggai, he also sees the glory of the second Temple and the Messiah honoring it with his presence; but at the same time he sees that the Messiah is the God to whom that Temple is dedicated: Behold, I will send my messenger, says the Lord, and he shall prepare the way before me: and the Lord ye seek, even the messenger of the Covenant, whom ye delight in, shall come to his Temple.

 

An angel is a messenger. But here is a messenger of marvelous rank: a messenger who has a Temple, a messenger who is God and who enters into the Temple as into his own dwelling; a messenger desired by all the people, who comes to make a new covenant and who for that reason is called the Messenger of the Covenant or of the Testament.

It was therefore in the second Temple that this God, the messenger of God, was to appear; but another messenger goes before him and prepares his way. Here we see the Messiah preceded by his forerunner. The character of that forerunner is also revealed to the prophet. He is to be a new Elijah, remarkable for his holiness, for the austerity of his life, for his authority, and for his zeal.

 

Thus the last prophet of the ancient people pointed out the first prophet who was to come after him, or that Elijah, the forerunner of the Lord, who was to appear. Until that time God's people expected no prophet; the Mosaic Law was to be sufficient for them, and therefore Malachi concludes with these words: Remember ye the Law of Moses my servant, which I commanded him in Horeb for all Israel. Behold, I will send you Elijah the prophet before the coming of the great and dreadful day of the Lord. And he shall turn the heart of the fathers to the children, and the heart of the children to their father, who will show the latter what was expected by the former.

 

To this Law of Moses God had added the prophets-who had spoken in conformity with it-and the history of God's people composed by these same prophets, in which the promises and warnings of the Law were confirmed by visible experiences. Everything was carefully written down; everything was set forth in chronological order; and this was what God left for the instruction of his people when he put an end to the prophecies. (Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet, Discourse on Universal History, ed. Orest Ranum [trans. Elborg Forster; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1976], 169-70)

 

It is within that context that we find the following from book 2, chapter 12, “The Times of the Second Temple. Fruits of the Chastisements and the Preceding Prophecies. Cessation of Idolatry and of the False Prophets [French: LES TEMPS DU SECOND TEMPLE : FRUITS DES CHÂTIMENTS ET DES PROPHÉTIES PRÉCÉDENTES : CESSATION DE L'IDOLÂTRIE ET DES FAUX PROPHÈTES])

 

Such instruction worked great changes in the ways of the Israelites. They no longer needed visions, manifest predictions, or those unheard-of wonders which God had so often performed for their preservation. The proofs they had received were sufficient; and once their incredulity had been not only overcome by events but also frequently punished, they at last became docile.

 

Therefore, from that time on we never see them return to idolatry, to which they were so strangely inclined. They had fared too badly whenever they had rejected the God of their fathers. They were always calling to mind Nebuchadrezzar and their own destruction, which, so often foretold in all its circumstances, was yet upon them before they believed it. No less did they admire their restoration, brought about, contrary to all appearances, in the time and by the person that had been pointed out to them. Never did they behold the second Temple without remembering why the former had been destroyed and how this latter had been rebuilt; and thus did they confirm themselves in the faith of their Scriptures, to which their whole state bore testimony.

 

False prophets were no longer to be seen among them. They had thrown off both their propensity to believe in them and their propensity for idolatry. Zechariah had foretold in one and the same oracle that both these things would happen to them. [These are the words of the prophecy: And it shall come to pass in that day, saith the Lord of hosts, that I will cut off the names of the idols out of the land, and they shall no more be remembered: and also I will cause the prophets and the unclean spirit to pass out of the land. And it shall come to pass that when any shall yet prophesy, then his father and his mother that begat him shall say unto him, Thou shalt not live; for thou speakest lies in the name of the Lord. One may see in this very text the remainder of this prophecy, which is equally strong.] This prophecy was clearly fulfilled. The false prophets ceased under the second Temple. The people, scandalized at their imposture, were no longer inclined to listen to them. The true prophets of God were read over and over, continually; they needed no commentary, and the things which occurred daily in fulfillment of their prophecies interpreted them only too faithfully. (Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet, Discourse on Universal History, ed. Orest Ranum [trans. Elborg Forster; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1976], 170-71)

 

 

That Bossuet is speaking about a lack of public revelation between Malachi to John the Baptist (and not after Jesus’s ascension or the completion of the New Testament per his appeal to the Zechariah text [not that he held to on-going public revelation after the first century]) is seen in chapter 13, where Bossuet speaks of

 

. . . the beautiful picture which Isaiah and Ezekiel draw of the happy times that were to follow the Captivity of Babylon. All the ruins are repaired, the cities and towns are magnificently rebuilt, the people are without number, the enemies are brought low, and plenty abounds in towns and country . . . (Ibid., 172)

 

And also chapter 14:

 

It seemed that this tranquility would be everlasting, had they not themselves disturbed it by their dissensions. For 300 years they had enjoyed this rest, so often foretold by their prophets, when ambition and jealously arose among them and came near to undoing them. (Ibid., 173)

 

 

Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627-1704) Interpreting John 19:30 as a Reference to the Fulfillment of Prophecy

  

Meanwhile, the jealousy of the Pharisees and priests brings him an infamous sentence. His disciples forsake him; one of them betrays him; the first and most zealous of them all denies him thrice. Accused before the council, he honors the priest's office to the last and answers, in precise terms, the high priest, who was interrogating him judicially. But the moment for the synagogue's censure had come. The high priest and the whole council condemn Jesus Christ because he called himself the Christ, the Son of God. He is delivered up to Pontius Pilate, the Roman governor; his innocence is acknowledged by his judge, whom policy and interest induce to act contrary to his conscience: the Just One is condemned to death; the most heinous of all crimes is the occasion for the most perfect obedience that the world ever saw. Jesus, master of his life and of all things, voluntarily surrenders to the fury of wicked men and offers the sacrifice which was to be the expiation of mankind. On the Cross, he sees in the prophecies what still remains for him to do: he fulfills it and says, at last, It is finished. When this word is spoken, everything changes in the world. The Law ceases, its symbols pass away, its sacrifices are abolished by a more perfect oblation. This done, Jesus Christ, with a loud cry, gives up the ghost. All nature is moved. The centurion who watched him, astonished at such a death, cries out, Truly, this was the Son of God, and the spectators return home, beating their breasts. On the third day he rises again; he appears to his followers, who had forsaken him and who obstinately persisted in disbelieving his Resurrection. They see him, talk with him, touch him, and are convinced. To confirm the faith in his Resurrection, he shows himself to them at various times and in divers manners. His disciples see him in private, and they see him also when they are all together; once he appears to more than 500 brethren assembled. An apostle, who has recorded it, asserts that the greatest part of them were still alive when he recorded it. Jesus Christ, risen again, gives his apostles as much time as they please to observe him carefully; and after putting himself into their hands in all the ways they desire, so that the least doubt can no longer remain, he commands them to bear witness to what they have seen, to what they have heard, and to what they have touched. And so that none may doubt their sincerity any more than their convictions, he obliges them to seal their testimony with their blood. Thus, their preaching is unshakable, its foundation a positive fact, unanimously attested to by those who saw it. Their sincerity is vindicated by the strongest proof imaginable, that of torments and of death itself. Such are the instructions the apostles received. Upon this foundation, twelve fishermen undertake the conversion of the whole world, so set against the laws they had to prescribe and the truths they had to proclaim. They are commanded to begin at Jerusalem and from there to go into all the world and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Jesus Christ promises to be with them always, even unto the end of the world. By saying this, he assures the perpetual continuance of the ecclesiastical ministry. Having thus spoken, he ascends into Heaven in their presence.

 

The promises are about to be accomplished; the prophecies are going to receive their final clarification. The Gentiles are called to the knowledge of God by the orders of the risen Jesus Christ. A new ceremony is instituted for the regeneration of the new people; and the faithful learn that the true God, the God of Israel, that one and indivisible God to whom they are consecrated in baptism, is at once Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.

 

There, then, are set forth to us the incomprehensible depth of the Divine Being, the ineffable greatness of his unity, and the infinite riches of that nature, even more fruitful within than without, capable of being three equal persons while not divided. (Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet, Discourse on Universal History, ed. Orest Ranum [trans. Elborg Forster; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1976], 188-89)

 

Further Reading:


Full Refutation of the Protestant Interpretation of John 19:30



Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet (1627-1704) on Images, not the Heavenly Prototype Merely, Receiving Religious Veneration

  

The controversy over the images continued to rage (A.D. 780). Leo IV, the son of Copronymus, seemed to be less harsh in the beginning; but he renewed the persecution as soon as he believed himself to be in control. He soon died. Constantine, his ten-year-old son, succeeded him and reigned under the guardianship of his mother, Empress Irene. At this point, things began to take a different turn (A.D. 784). Paul, the patriarch of Constantinople, declared toward the end of his life that he had combatted the veneration of images against his conscience, and he retired to a monastery. There, in the presence of the empress, he deplored the misfortune of the Church of Constantinople, separated as it was from the four patriarchal sees, and told her that the holding of an ecumenical council would be the only remedy for this unhappy situation. His successor Tarasius maintained that the question had not been judged in the proper order; since the point of departure had been a decree from the emperor, an improper council had ensued, while, in matters of religion, it is the duty of the council to initiate the procedure and the duty of the emperors to support the judgment of the Church. For this reason, he accepted the patriarchate only on condition that the ecumenical council be held; and in fact it was begun at Constantinople (A.D. 787) and continued at Nicaea. The pope sent his legates, and the council of the iconoclasts was condemned. Henceforth we detest them as men who, following the example of the Saracens, accused the Christians of idolatry. It was decided that images should be honored in memory and out of love for the originals; this is called by the council "relative worship, veneration, and honorary salutation" as opposed to "supreme worship and veneration of the image, or entire submission," which the council reserved for God alone. Not only the legates of the Holy See and the patriarch of Constantinople in person were present, but also legates of the other patriarchal sees which at that time were occupied by the infidels. Their mission has sometimes been questioned; but no one has questioned that, far from disavowing their legates, all these sees have accepted the Council without voicing any opposition, and that it has been accepted by the entire Church. (Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet, Discourse on Universal History, ed. Orest Ranum [trans. Elborg Forster; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1976], 105-6)

 

While maybe one will be tempted to dismiss Bossuet as he was a Gallican, this was also the view of Bellarmine and other theologians. For more on this and other issues, see:


Answering Fundamentalist Protestants and Roman Catholic/Eastern Orthodox on Images/Icons

 

 

Examples of the Very Low View of Marriage and Married Clergy in the Medieval Era

  

Although the opinion had long prevailed in the church that the celibate life, or chastity, was more holy than the married life, and therefore more becoming in the clergy, yet it was not uncommon for clergymen to marry. The Cluniac party regarded this state of affairs as especially blameworthy, and demanded that all the clergy be required to take the vow of perpetual chastity. In this, as in other respects, Gregory VII endeavored to carry out the Cluniac programme and so exerted himself to suppress clerical marriage, or, as the Cluniac party called it, clerical concubinage. (A Source Book for Medieval History: Selected Documents Illustrating the History of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Oliver J. Thatcher and Edgar Holmes McNeal [New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905], 134)

 

 

Pope Gregory [VII] held a synod in which he anathematized all who were guilty of simony. He also forbade all clergy who were married to say mass, and all laymen were forbidden to be present when such a married priest should officiate. In this he seemed to many to act contrary to the decisions of the holy fathers who have declared that the sacraments of the church are neither made more effective by the good qualities, nor less effective by the sins, of the officiating priest, because it is the Holy Spirit who makes them effective. (“Prohibition of Simony and of the Marriage of the Clergy, 1074 A.D.,” in A Source Book for Medieval History: Selected Documents Illustrating the History of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Oliver J. Thatcher and Edgar Holmes McNeal [New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905], 134)

 

 

. . . Nor shall clergymen who are married say mass or serve the altar in any way. We decree that if they refuse to obey our orders, or rather those of the holy fathers, the people shall refuse to receive their ministrations, in order that those who disregard the love of God and the dignity of their office may be brought to their senses through feeling the shame of the world and the reproof of the people. (“Simony and Celibacy. The Roman Council, 1074,” in A Source Book for Medieval History: Selected Documents Illustrating the History of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Oliver J. Thatcher and Edgar Holmes McNeal [New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905], 135)

 

 

If there are any priests, deacons, or subdeacons who are married, by the power of omnipotent God and the authority of St. Peter we forbid them to enter a church until they repent and mend their ways. But if any remain with their wives, no one shall dare hear them [when they officiate in the church], because their benediction is turned into a curse, and their prayer into a sin. For the Lord says through the prophet, “I will curse your blessings” [Ma. 2:2]. Whosoever shall refuse to obey this most salutary command shall be guilty of the sin of idolatry. For Samuel says; “For rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft, and stubbornness is as iniquity and idolatry” [1 Sam. 15:23]. Whoever therefore asserts that he is a Christian but refuses to obey the apostolic see, is guilty of paganism. (“Celibacy of the Clergy. Gregory VII, 1074,” in A Source Book for Medieval History: Selected Documents Illustrating the History of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Oliver J. Thatcher and Edgar Holmes McNeal [New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905], 135)

 

 

Oliver J. Thatcher and Edgar Holmes McNeal on Dictatus Papae

Commenting on Dictatus Papae (which they date to c. 1090), Oliver J. Thatcher and Edgar Holmes McNeal wrote:

 

Section 1 means that the Roman church received the primacy over the whole church directly from Christ. Section 8 is based on the forged Donation of Constantine, according to which the emperor gave the pope the right to use the imperial insignia. In section 11 it is not clear what name is meant. It may be “universal” as in section 2. The bishop of Rome claimed the exclusive right to call himself pope, apostolic, and universal. Papa or pope was at first the common title of all priests, and is still so in the Greek church. But in the course of time it was limited in the west to the bishop of Rome. “Apostolic” was at first applied to all bishiops, but eventually the bishop of Rome claimed the exclusive right to it and forbade all other bishops to use it. Since the bishop of Rome was the head of the whole church he was the only one who could call himself “universal.” The right of ordaining, section 14, that is, of raising ot the clerical rank, belonged to each bishop, but he could exercise it only in his own diocese. But the bishop of Rome had the whole world for his diocese, and hence he could ordain any one, no matter to what bishopric he belonged. In explanation of section 23 the following passage from pope Symmachus (498-514) is offered (Hinschius, “Decretales,” p. 666). “We do not judge that St. Peter received from the Lord with the prerogative of his chair [that is, with his primacy] the right to sin. But he passed on to his successors the perennial dower of his merits with his heritage of innocence. Who can doubt that he who is exalted to the height of apostolic dignity is holy?” (A Source Book for Medieval History: Selected Documents Illustrating the History of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Oliver J. Thatcher and Edgar Holmes McNeal [New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905], 138-39)

 

"The Papal Election Decree of Nicholas II, 1059" Paralleling the Verbiage of D&C 20:1

While reading A Source Book for Medieval History (1905), I came across the following documents whose opening words reminds me of the verbiage of D&C 20:1 (read: fanciful way of stating the date, not giving the exact number of years, months, and days since the birth of Jesus):

 

In the name of the Lord God, our Saviour Jesus Christ, in the 1059th year from his incarnation, in the month of April, in the 12th indiction, in the presence of the holy gospels, the most reverend and blessed apostolic pope Nicholas presiding in the Lateran patriarchal basilica which is called the church of Constantine . . . (“The Papal Election Decree of Nicholas II, 1059,” in A Source Book for Medieval History: Selected Documents Illustrating the History of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Oliver J. Thatcher and Edgar Holmes McNeal [New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905], 128)

 

Pope Gregory III's Excommunication of Those Who Oppose Icon Veneration (731 AD)

  

The pope [Gregory III] made a decree in the council that if anyone, in the future, should condemn those who hold to the old custom of the apostolic church and should oppose the veneration of the holy images, and should remove, destroy, profane, or blaspheme against the holy images of God, or of our Lord Jesus Christ, or of his mother, the immaculate and glorious Virgin Mary, or of the apostles, or of any of the saints, he should be cut off from the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ. And all the clergy present solemnly signed this decree. (“Gregory III Excommunicates All Iconoclasts, 731 A.D.,” in A Source Book for Medieval History: Selected Documents Illustrating the History of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Oliver J. Thatcher and Edgar Holmes McNeal [New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905], 101)

 

Further Reading:


Answering Fundamentalist Protestants and Roman Catholic/Eastern Orthodox on Images/Icons


Laura Salah Nasrallah on Elements of 1 Corinthians 13 Being Pre-Pauline

  

Chapter 13 seems like a digression because some of these materials are pre-Pauline, a kind of aretalogy of love derived from Jewish wisdom traditions. (Laura Salah Nasrallah, An Ecstasy of Folly: Prophecy and Authority in Early Christianity [Harvard Theological Studies 52; New Haven: Harvard University Press, 2003], 88)

 

Margaret Mitchell (ibid., 57-58) rightly points out that love is only the subject of six verses, and that Paul speaks in the first person singular throughout much of this passage. Conzelmann (1 Corinthians, 218-19, esp. 219 n. 14), in contrast, sees 1 Corinthians 13 as a “self-contained unity”; he points to the variety of stylistic forms within 1 Corinthians 13 which are different from Paul’s writing, and he emphasizes (in the excursus on 219-20) the many parallels that would lead one to conclude that this chapter is in the style of Jewish wisdom literature, a kind of aretalogy of love. (Ibid., 88 n. 80)

 

Dempsey Rosales Asosta and A. E. Hill on the Background to Malachi 4:1 (Hebrew: 3:19)

  

The word tannur is used figuratively in the Old Testament to indicate divine judgment and human passions. Malachi uses the oven as an image of consuming vengeance (Reventlow, Die Propheten, 157.159):” ‘For look! The day is about to come, burning like an oven [tannur], and all the arrogant and every evildoer will be stubble. The coming day will consume them,’ says Yahweh of hosts” (Mal 4:1). The book of Psalms records similar usage: “You will make them like your fiery furnace [tannur] at the time of your appearance. Yahweh will swallow them in his wrath and fire will consume them” (Psa 21:9). The prophet Hosea describes the people of the northern kingdom of Israel as adulterers, “like a burning oven [tannur] whose baker has stopped from stirring the fire” (Hos 7:4). The metaphor seems to describe human passions that burn on their own, inflaming hearts and consuming rulers (see also Hos 7:6–7). (Dempsey Rosales Asosta, “Tannur,” in The Lexham Bible Dictionary, ed. John D. Barry et al. [Bellingham, Wash.: Lexham Press, 2016], Logos Bible Software edition)

 

Malachi appeals to the metaphor of a furnace in his forecast of a coming day when God will destroy the arrogant and the wicked (Mal 4:1 [mt 3:19]). The “furnace” (Heb tannûr) refers to a fixed or portable beehive shaped earthenware oven or stove used especially for baking bread. For the prophet, it becomes a frightening symbol of divine judgment likening the Day of the Lord to an oven that incinerates those who oppose God (cf. Ps 21:9 [mt 21:10]). (A. E. Hill, “Malachi, Book of,” in Dictionary of the Old Testament: Prophets, ed. Mark J. Boda and Gordon J. McConville [Downers Grove, Ill. IVP Academic, 2012], 532)

 

Thursday, July 3, 2025

Exchange between David O. Lloyd and Mark E. Petersen on Cola Drinks and the Word of Wisdom (March 1949)

  

 

 

March 8, 1949

 

President George Albert Smith

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

47 East South Temple Street

Salt Lake City, Utah

 

My dear President Smith:

 

An advertisement in tonight's Deseret News (Page F-6) has me a bit puzzled. Ever since I could remember, the Church has frowned upon and even forbidden the use of "Cola-Cola." I have heard that President Grant denounced he use of this drink in Conference right after it was put on the market. I believe that Apostles Merrill and Widtsoe have in their writings warned the Church against the use of it. During the last war I remember the Service Men's Edition of the Church News stating in answer to the question, that the use of "coca-cola" was against Church standards.

 

I remember also that the Deseret News has never carried an advertisement for tea, coffee, tobacco, any form of alcohol, or any "Cola-Cola" or "Cola" drinks. The statement has been made that the Desert News represents in its general policy the "policy of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints."

 

If the above statements are true, them why have "Cola-Cola" advertisements appeared at least twice this year in the Deseret News? Has the policy of the Deseret News and the Church changed toward this drink? It is not permissible for the Church members to drink "Cola-Cola"? What is the official position of the Church in regard to this matter?

 

These are problems I would appreciate your answering for me at your convenience.

 

Sincerely yours brother,

 

David O. Lloyd

Box 191, Stn. 1, B.Y.U.

Provo, Utah

 

 

 

DESERET NEWS PUBLISHING COMPANY

Phone 4-5521 P.O. Box 1257

 

March 22, 1949

 

Bro. David O. Lloyd

Box 19, Stn. 1. B.Y.U.

Provo, Utah.

 

Dear Brother Lloyd:

 

Your letter addressed to President George Albert Smith, under state of March 8, has been referred to me.

 

May I say at the outset, that for thirty years that I know of, the Deseret News has regularly advertised Cola Cola and other cola drinks. It is nothing new, although some people seem to think so. At no time within this thirty years that I know of, and I have been here for about twenty-five years myself, have the authorities of the Church ever requested the Deseret News to discontinue the advertising of cola drinks.

 

Misunderstanding have arisen among many of our people concerning cola drinks, chocolate, and similar things. The General Authorities of the Church had advised against their use because of the manner in which certain substances within them injure health. The advice, however, has been strictly on a basis of health and not on the basis of a violation of the commandments of God.

 

We do not understand that the use of cola drinks is a violation of the Word of God in the Word of Wisdom. Cola drinks, it is admitted, contain certain substances which are alleged to be both injurious and habit forming. Therefore, from a common sense health standpoint, probably an individual would be wise not to drink them. The same thing is true with various other things which contain alcohol and other types of substances known to be injurious to our health.

 

However, there is a distinction between the use of these products and items which are specifically mentioned by name in the Word of Wisdom. The Church has never included cola drinks, nor chocolate, nor other things which it is claimed contain injurious substances, within the prohibitions of the Word of Wisdom. Therefore we do not place a spiritual significance upon their use. In other words, we do not say that a person is breaking the commandments of God if they take a cola drink. We simply say they are drinking something that contains an injurious ingredient. The reason I point out this "spiritual significance" phase of the question is this: some people have wondered whether they should be denied a Temple recommend for instance, if they take an occasional drink of cola, or eat a chocolate bar. Naturally we say that they are not breaking the Word of Wisdom because these things have not been placed within the prohibitions of the Word of Wisdom. So, when you give consideration to this subject, look at it from that standpoint. The fact that we advertise various commodities should not be regarded as an endorsement of these commodities. As a daily newspaper we are in no position to give endorsements to any of the things that are advertised, in our papers. We make a serious effort to eliminate advertising which would defraud people, or which would promote schemes that are not sound. We also attempt to eliminate advertising for "quack" medicines, etc. In this way we try to protect the people.

 

On the basis of the Word of Wisdom, we eliminate Liquor, Tobacco, Tea and Coffee advertising. This is done strictly on a religious basis. You mention Sanka Coffee. We have carried advertising for Sanka because we have been assured by the manufacturers, that the harmful ingredients have been 98% eliminated. We did not think that such advertising would be objectionable to anyone. However, we are glad to get your reaction.

 

Yours sincerely,

 

(signed) Mark E. Petersen

 

 

 Both letters are found in the Heber Cyrus Snell papers, 1896-1974, Special Collections, Merrill-Cazier Library, Utah State University. Scans of originals in my possession.

The Tanners on the Overstreet “Confession” and the Cowdery “Defence”

  

CONCLUSION. After carefully examining the evidence, we have come to the conclusion that the “Defence” is probably a spurious work, written sometime after 1887—i.e., after David Whitmer’s pamphlet appeared. Until an original copy or a contemporary reference to it is found, we must regard it as spurious. (Jerald Tanner and Sandra Tanner, A Critical Look: A Study of the Overstreet “Confession” and the Cowdery “Defence” [Salt Lake City: Utah Lighthouse Ministry, 1967], 31)

 

We feel that the author of the “Defence” was probably a believer in the Book of Mormon who had become disillusioned by David Whitmer’s pamphlet and was not sure what to believe. (Ibid., 27)

 

Yoel Elitzur on Adonai in the Old Testament

  

Adonai

 

From the middle of the Second Temple period until today, it has been an accepted practice among Jews to pronounce the word Adonai (meaning “my Lord”) in place of the name YHWH, and as a result readers have difficulty distinguishing between the original Adonai and YHWH. In fact, Adonai is quite rare in the written text of the Bible. In contrast to the more than 6,800 occurrences of the Tetragrammaton YHWH in the Bible, Adonai appears only some 440 times, of which approximately three hundred are in the phrase Adonai YHWH (pronounced Adonai Elohim), five in the phrase “YHWH Adonai” (pronounced Elohim Adonai), and 134 times without YHWH. (The Masorah indicated this in the notation 134 vaddain).

 

I have discovered a major difference between the use of Adonai in the Torah, Joshua, Judges, and Samuel and its use in the subsequent biblical books, from Isaiah, Amos, and Kings until the end of the biblical era. Adonai only becomes an actual name of God in the books of Isaiah, Amos, Micah, and Kings. For example, in Amos, “He showed me: behold, the Lord (Adonai) was standing beside a wall built with a plumb line, with a plumb line in his hand” (7:7), and “I saw the Lord (Adonai) standing beside the altar” (9:1); in Isaiah, “In the year that King Uzziah died, I beheld the Lord (Adonai) seated on a high and lofty throne” (6:1); and in Kings, “For the Lord (Adonai) had caused the Aramean camp to hear a sound of chariots, a sound of horses” (2 Kings 7:6). Before this period, it was used only in those functions also served by the title adoni (my lord) when addressing human beings. In the former books of the Bible Adonai could be found only within a quotation of direct speech, never in the narrative voice, and always within a plea of supplication, sometimes with the suppliant expression bi- or the exclamation ahah.

 

On the other hand, it must be noted that nowhere in the Bible is the term adoni (my Lord) used in addressing God, as might be expected. From this we can conclude that the word Adonai was originally no different than adoni. Both were terms used to address someone of a higher status. From a linguistic perspective, biblical Hebrew includes both the singular form adon and adonim, a plural form used as a singular noun (the pluralis majestatis) as in “And I will place the Egyptians at the mercy of a harsh master (adonim)” (Isa. 19:4), and “And if I am a master (adonim), where is the reverence due Me?—said the Lord of Hosts to you” (Mal. 1:6). These forms are similar to ba’al/be’alim and Eloah/Elohim. There is an interesting differentiation in use between adon and adonim. When the word stands alone, adon is the common form and adonim is rare. However, when the word has a personal pronoun suffix, the word base becomes plural, as in adoneinu, adonekha, adonekhem, adonav, adoneha, and adoneihem. The word remains singular only in first-person singular (adoni). Therefore, Adonai is really the most natural form of address, and adoni is actually the irregular form. It seems that at a certain time, probably quite early, a linguistic distinction was made between the term used to address a person and the same term when used to address God by designating the form derived from the plural to God, and that derived from the singular to people. Once there was a specific term for addressing God, it naturally developed into an actual name of God, though its previous function was not effaced. This development occurred apparently in the time of Isaiah and Amos. In biblical books from before this period, both forms of the word, Adoni and Adonai, are still only terms of addressing a superior, whether human or divine. This distinction between the biblical books corresponds to the order in which they appear in the Bible, rather than that hypothesized by scholars. (Yoel Elitzur, “The Names of God and the Dating of the Biblical Corpus,” in The Believer and the Modern Study of the Bible, ed. Tova Ganzel, Yehudah Brandes, and Chayuta Deutsch [Brighaton, Mass.: Academic Studies Press, 2019], 436-38)

 

Wednesday, July 2, 2025

Mike Thomas's Pathetic Attempt to Support Sola Scriptura

For a while now, Michael Thomas has been running from debating me on the topic of Sola Scriptura. I can see why. On June 15, 2025, he posted an article attempting to defend this doctrine and principle (indeed, it is the formal doctrine [not principle merely] of the Reformation):

 

Sola Scriptura; is it Biblical?

 

This is just a re-hash of a lot of the points Thomas and other low-tier Protestants have made in the past; for a thorough refutation, see, for e.g.:

 

Not By Scripture Alone: A Latter-day Saint Refutation of Sola Scriptura

 

See also my previous response to Thomas on the Latter-day Saint view of the Bible:

 

Latter-day Saints and the Bible (cf. Listing of articles refuting Mike Thomas and Tony Brown of Reachout Trust)

 

For example, after quoting Deut 18:20-22 and other texts (e.g., 1 Tim 3:12), Thomas concludes:

 

You will not find sola scriptura taught in the Bible as a principle, but you will find it exampled all over the text of Scripture. Passages of Scripture like those above, and many more, only make sense if you have an established canon, an authoritative standard, against which to test yourself, your understanding, your life and faith, and the claims to prophesy. It only works in light of the teaching of sola scriptura.

 

The problem is that this is an impossibility during the times Moses, Paul, et al., wrote these and other passages Thomas quotes from as they were living during times of public revelation and inscripturation of new scriptures. Sola Scriptura is an exegetical impossibility during such periods of time, even according to Protestant theologians. For example, in his article, “A Review and Rebuttal of Steve Ray’s Article, Why the Bereans Rejected Sola Scriptura,” James Whtie wrote that

 

[there is an] errant belief that sola scriptura is somehow contradicted by the [Bereans’] acceptance of “new revelation,” as if sola scriptura is meant to be applied during times of revelation rather than being a normative rule for the Church.

 

As David T. King wrote:

 

Contrary to persistent charges by Roman apologists, Protestant Evangelicals do affirm the binding authority of apostolic tradition as delivered by the apostles. What they preached and taught in the first century Church was authoritatively binding on the consciences of all Christians. . . . To be sure, all special revelation given by God is authoritative and binding. There can be no doubt that the oral teaching of the apostles and their approved representatives was both (1 Thess 2:13). (David T. King, Holy Scripture: The Ground And Pillar of our Faith, 3 vols. [Battle Creek, Mich.: Chrisitan Resources, 2001), 1:55, 145)

 

In other words, other sources than inscripturated revelation, were authoritative and binding during New Testament times, for example, including when Paul wrote the Pastoral Epistles.

 

This also allows us to show how bad an exegete (“piss poor,” to be blunt) Thomas is. In a previous article, in an attempt to downplay the texts speaking positively about “tradition” Thomas wrote that:

 

The word [in 1 Cor 11:2] is paradosis and simply means surrendering, giving up, the passing on of something. In this case, what is passed on is instruction, precepts, teaching. Tradition doesn’t mean the content of what is passed on, but simply the act of passing it on, the definition we agreed on above. (“What is a Magisterium,” Bride of Reason blog, Decemer 1, 2020)

 

However, in reality, this oral tradition is the content of instruction and teaching, not the mere act of passing on something. Consider these sources:

 

Louw-Nida

 

33.239 παράδοσις, εως f: (derivative of παραδίδωμιc ‘to instruct,’ 33.237) the content of traditional instruction—‘teaching, tradition.’ διὰ τί οἱ μαθηταί σου παραβαίνουσιν τὴν παράδοσιν τῶν πρεσβυτέρων; ‘why is it that your disciples disobey the tradition of our ancestors?’ Mt 15:2.

 

BDAG

 

. . .

2. the content of instruction that has been handed down, tradition, of teachings, commandments, narratives et al . . . Pl. of individual teachings 1 Cor 11:2 (w. παραδιδόναι); 2 Th 2:15 . . .

 

TDNT

 

παράδοσις.

In the NT this means “tradition” (→ παραδίδωμι, 6.) only in the sense of what is transmitted, not of transmission. In this sense, it does not occur in the LXX, but is found in Philo and Joseph. and in Greek generally, though it less common than in the other sense.

 1. In the disputation in Mk. 7 (Mt. 15), Jesus calls Jewish tradition outside the Law the παράδοσις τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, Mk. 7:3, 5 (Mt. 15:2). He also speaks of the παράδοσις τῶν ἀνθρώπων in Mk. 7:8 or ὑμῶν in v. 9, Mt. 15:3, 6. In Joseph. we find such expressions as τὰ ἐκ παραδόσεως τῶν πατέρων (Ant., 13, 297); τὴν πατρῴαν παράδοσιν (Ant., 13, 409); τῇ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων παραδόσει (Ant., 10, 51). In Philo Spec. Leg., IV, 150 we have αὐτῶν (γονέων) παράδοσις. The Heb. equivalent is מסרה sometimes with the addition הַזְּקֵנִים or in the plural. The Pharisees regarded unwritten tradition as no less binding than the Law. . . .  

2. For Paul Christian teaching is tradition (1 C. 11:2; 2 Th. 2:15; 3:6; cf. 1 C. 11:23; 15:1–11), and he demands that the churches should keep to it, since salvation depends on it (1 C. 15:2). . . .(TDNT 2:172)

 

To quote one Lutheran scholar (and proponent of sola scriptura):

 

A “tradition” is any deliverance, any bit of instruction, any principle, and any rule of conduct which Paul handed over to the Corinthians when he was in their midst. (R. C. H. Lenski, The Interpretation of St. Paul’s First and Second Epistle to the Corinthians [Minneapolis, Minn.: Augsburg Publishing House, 1963], 431-32)

 

Let us also examine the Old Testament era:

 

An Example of A Binding, Authoritative Oral Tradition that is part of the “Word of God” but was never part of the Bible

 

Consider the liturgical reforms of Kings Hezekiah and Josiah:

 

And he [King Hezekiah] set the Levites in the house of the Lord with cymbals, with psalteries, and with harps, according to the commandment of David, and of Gad the king's seer, and Nathan the prophet: for so was the commandment of the Lord by his prophets. (2 Chron 29:35)

 

And prepare yourselves by the houses of your fathers, after your courses, according to the writing of David king of Israel, and according to the writing of Solomon his son. (2 Chron 35:4)

 

With respect to these texts, we learn the following:

 

(1)   David, Gad, and Nathan were dead for about 250 years at this point; however,

(2)   they passed on a "command . . . from the Lord" which was prescribed by God's prophets on how worship is to be conducted in the temple (hardly a minor issue; the worship of God is a central issue in theology) and

(3)   such a prescription and commandment is nowhere found in the entirety of the Bible yet King Hezekiah (and later, Josiah with the non-extant writings of David and Solomon) clearly understood them to be as  authoritative and binding as inscripturated revelation.

 

As Gregory Krehbiel (former Protestant) noted:

 

The fact that these words from God were never included in the [Old Testament] canon had absolutely nothing to do with the matter. These words from God, not preserved in Scriptures were consulted and applied authoritatively by the reformers [spoken of in 2 Chronicles]. The passages in 2 Chronicles are very clear and straightforward refutations of sola scriptura . . .  (Gregory Krehbiel, "A Critical Look at Sola Scriptura" (1993), as quoted in Patrick Madrid, "Sola Scriptura: A Blueprint for Anarchy," in Not By Scripture Alone: A Catholic Critique of the Protestant Doctrine of Sola Scriptura, ed. Robert A. Sungenis [2d ed.; State Line, Pa.: Catholic Apologetics International Publishing, Inc., 2013], 14)

 

Neither the New Testament authors nor did the Old Testament authors labor under the belief they had a fixed scriptural canon (which would prove too much for Thomas anyway). Furthermore, nowhere does Thomas support many of the key tenets necessary for sola scriptura to be operative as the final rule of faith and practice for the Christian, such as the cessation of public/special revelation. It is no wonder he will never debate an informed opponent in a moderated public debate on this topic.


Again, we see that Mike Thomas of Reachout Trust is clueless and is a false teacher. He must engage in eisegesis and blatant deception to support the man-made tradition of Sola Scriptura.

Item on Blacks and the Priesthood (pre-1978) in the Heber Cyrus Snell papers, 1896-1974

The following is from Box 19 Folder 4, “Writings on Blacks and the Priesthood” (undated) in the Heber Cyrus Snell papers, 1896-1974, Special Collections, Merrill-Cazier Library, Utah State University:

 



 

You may be interested to know that there will be a Negro who who holds the Priesthood attend BYU this year. The basis on which this is possible is the fact that he is not an African Negro. I have this on the authority of the Librarian of the Church College of Hawaii. They have had a great deal of concern about this in Hawaii because so many South Sea Islanders, who have attended the Church schools, want to join the Church in full fellowship. Kenneth Slack told me that David O. McKay stated that they need not worry about this boy. Incidentally, he is supposed to be a tremendous athlete in basket ball and in track. The basket ball coach at the Y said several years ago that the only hope for his having another national championship basket ball team would be granting the Priesthood to some Negroes. He may get his wish through this side door."

 

(Signed) Kirk

 

This would be between 1955 to 1965, when Kenneth Hurston Slack was a faculty member and first librarian of the Church College of Hawaii (now BYU Hawaii).

Excerpts from Michael E. Stone, “Armenian Canon Lists I—The Council of Partaw (768 C. E.)"

Canon List of the Council of Partaw:

 

And you shall all, clerics and laymen, have sacred books for worship from the Old and from the New Testaments:

The Books of Moses, of Genesis, of Exodus, of Leviticus, of Numbers, of Deuteronomy,
Joshua son of Nun,
Judges and of Ruth,
of Kingdoms IV,
the Days of the Books of Paralipomena II,
of Ezra II Discourses,
the Book of Job,
the Book of Psalms I, [or: I Book of Psalms],
of Solomon, III Books,
the XII Prophets,
Isaiah,
Jeremiah,
Ezekiel,
Daniel.

 

And from outside [i.e., of them] there shall be assigned, for teaching of your greatly learned children, the Wisdom of Sirach. (Michael E. Stone, “Armenian Canon Lists I—The Council of Partaw (768 C. E.),” The Harvard Theological Review 66, no. 4 [October 1973]: 480-81)

 

 

The Armenian translation of Apostolic Canon lxxxiv is published in Kanonagirk’ Hayoc’, pp. 112f. A translation of this Armenian text is offered here:

 

And all your clerics shall have holy books of the Old and New Testaments,
Of Moses, Gensis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy,
Joshua,
Of Judges with Ruth,
Four Kingdoms,
The Days of the Paralipomena,
Two discourses of Ezra,
Job,
Of CL Psalms,
Of Solomon III,
XII Prophets,
Isaiah,
Jeremiah,
Ezekiel,
Daniel,
Maccabees.
And you shall have Sirach for the instruction of your children. (Ibid., 484)

 

 

5. Of especial interest is the situation with regard to the Books of Maccabees. They are lacking altogether in the Canon of Partaw, and are to be found at the end of the list of books given in the Armenian version of the Apostolic Canon. In the Greek form of this latter Canon the Books of Maccabees are to be found following Esther, at the end of the series of historical books, in the middle of the list.

 

6. The position of Maccabees at the very end of the list observed, in the Armenian version of the Canon of Laodicea. In this case the books are missing altogether in the Greek version of the Canon. This appears to indicate a special relationship existing between these various lists of canonical books extant in Armenian.

 

7. The generally doubtful position of the Books of Maccabees in the Greek Canon lists is quite clear. They occur of course in the early Greek codices but are omitted from such early Greek Canon lists of that of Melito (Swete, list 1), Athanasius (Swete, List 3), Cyril of Jerusalem (Swete, list 4), and others.

 

8. It is of further interest to observe that books so well established in the Canon of the Greek Bible as Judith, Tobit, and Wisdom of Solomon do not appear in the Greek or Armenian texts of the Canons discussed here. This, it seems to us, is more evidence of the common tradition of these particular lists than it is reflection on the position of these books in actual usage. (Ibid., 485-86)