Friday, January 27, 2023

Notes from Christiaan W. Kappes, The Immaculate Conception (2014)

The following are some excerpts from:

 

Christiaan W. Kappes, The Immaculate Conception: Why Thomas Aquinas denied, While John Duns Scotus, Gregory Palamas, and Mark Eugenicus Professed the Absolute Immaculate Existence of Mary (Mariological Studies in Honor of Our Lady of Guadalupe 2; New Bedford, Mass.: Academy of the Immaculate, 2014); On his study of "prepurification" and the Immaculate Conception in this book, click here.

 

It is assumed that before the studies of Duns Scotus, the mystery of the Immaculate Conception was only implicit in the deposit of faith and that it was first confessed clearly and explicitly in relation to the mystery of the redemption, once the notion of perfect redemption included not only liberative redemption (delivery from sin), but preservative as well. (Peter M. Fehlner, “Preface,” in Christiaan W. Kappes, The Immaculate Conception: Why Thomas Aquinas denied, While John Duns Scotus, Gregory Palamas, and Mark Eugenicus Professed the Absolute Immaculate Existence of Mary [Mariological Studies in Honor of Our Lady of Guadalupe 2; New Bedford, Mass.: Academy of the Immaculate, 2014], xv [note: Fehlner and Kaapes disputes this, but it shows the commonly-held view of many Catholic Mariologists])

 

Theological development of Mary’s prepurification seems to have undergone little development and received little attention at the end of the first millennium, despite the importance of the Synodikon in the history of Orthodoxy. (p. 66; Andrew Libadenus [c. 1308-c. 1361] is listed as being “a Last Medieval Witness” [ibid., 67f.])

 

Re. Nicholas Cabasilas (died 1391), an Eastern Orthodox saint and a Palamite theologian:

 

. . . the Palamite author ingeniously employed Aquinas’ own citation of Ps.-Dionysius (ch. 6)on angelology against the Doctor Angelicus. Cabasilas asserts that, since the natures of Mary and the angels are univocal in some way, the controlling idea must refer to both Mary and angels being exempt from any moral defect due to the perfection of their created natures. Ergo, Mary literally merits the title “Queen of Angels.” (p. 89, italics in original)

 

Re. Mark Eugenicus (Palamite theologian):

 

. . . Mark goes beyond the thoughts of his more contemporary magister (Palamas) and reconnects the Virgin’s hagiasmos to the following source-texts within the Byzantine tradition:

 

13.5.1 Exegesis

 

(1.) [Re: “a bush unburnt by fire on the mountain”] She is the fulfillment of the (antitype) burning bus of Mt. Horeb seen by Moses. Because she has no impurity (viz. imperfection) in her created nature, Mary is not annihilated by the divinity. The implication is that the divine nature destroys anything imperfect. The BVM’s absolute exemption from ethico-physical stain preserves her life and allows for Incarnation of a divine hypostasis (contra Kalekam).

 

(2.) [Re: :”a dewy-aired Chaldean furnace”] Mary’s nature allows for something analogous to the three young men to survive within her. Christ’s human nature (as Son of God) is apt to take on the divinity due to the BVM. Her in utero bedewment of the human nature of the Christ keeps it from being burnt up.

 

(3.) [Re: “radiance of glory, etc. (via the waters . . . ), I make thee clean”] Christ, referring to His hagiasmos or katharotês, at His own baptism, applies this anticipatory activity of the redemptive waters (accomplished on the cross) to Mary’s own purification. Mary participates in redemptive graces before the actual sacrifice of the cross. Christ’s substitutionary baptism was long ago mentioned in Nazianzen’s Theophany oration (cf. supra, nn. 8, 15).

 

(4.) [Re: “I [, who am Mary, am] an enclosed garden of your divinity, [314] I burn through fire”] Mark ends with the stunning leitmotif, for Mary responds to Christ’s gift to her of purification, whose meritorious moment was gloriously celebrated at His own baptism. Anachronistically, Mary refers to Christ’s substitutionary (purifying) baptism as a reminder of her own glorious “purification” long past at the moment of the virginal conception of the Word.

 

(5.) Conclusion: Mary’s fiat is once again a parallel moment of grace like Christs own baptism. Mary’s actualized nature parallels that of her Son even before the redemptive act of the cross. (pp. 150-53)

 

One can wonder if this is yet another association of virginity to “incorruptibility.” Though we have already referred to Latin and Greek patristic authorities for this doctrine . . . the potential semantic equivalency between the term “virginity” and “incorruption” was likely a natural development of the primordial evangelical doctrine, specifically attested to in the Synoptic gospels. E.g., The Gospel of Mark provides the strongest framework for such a theory, where he writes: “Jesus said to them: ‘Because of this isn’t it so that you are in error, since you know neither the Scriptures nor the power of God. For when people have risen from the dead, neither do they marry nor are they given in marriage. They are just like the angels in the heavens. Now concerning the dead—since you say they are not raised—have you not read in the Book of Moses, as the occurrence of the burning busy (επι του βατου), how God (when speaking) said to him: ‘I am the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob’? He is not the God of the dead, but of the living. You are seriously in error (Mark 12:23-27).” A patristic hermeneutic might lead the exegete to note: (a.) Christ equates angelic creatures to asexual beings (b.) the “asexual” rational beings after the resurrection abstain from sexual relations since they are clothed in incorrupt (resurrected) flesh, (c. ) and mutatis mutandis, the most spiritual and angelic beings before the resurrection are virgins, (d.) a fortiori those most angelic images of incorruption among virgins are perpetual virgins! Lastly, God bears witness to incorruption of the flesh in the burning bush through invocation of the continuous existence of Abraham, etc. Therefore, the burning bush is a symbol and testimony to (aeviternity and) incorruptibility. In conclusion, the perpetual Virgin of the Annunciation communes with angels (as like to like) because of her perpetual virginity and she is fittingly symbolized by the burning bush as a sign of perpetuity and immortal incorruptibility of her flesh. (Ibid., 152 n. 314)

 

 

James A. Borland, "Why Melchizedek Is Not A Christophany"

 

Why Melchizedek Is Not A Christophany

 

Genesis 14, which is in the midst of several notable Christophanic passages (Gen.12:7; 16:7–13; 17:1–22; and 18:1–33), contains the unique biblical record of one called Melchizedek. He is identified as the king of Salem and the priest of the most high God. He appears historically in just three verses, Genesis 14:18–20, though he is mentioned briefly in Psalm 110:4 and again in Hebrews 5–7, the latter in a more detailed fashion. From time immemorial, questions have been raised as to the identity of this “priest of the most high God” who pronounces a blessing upon Abraham.

 

I. Advocates of the Belief That Melchizedek Was Christ

 

It is exceedingly difficult to find any literature, current or otherwise, that espouses the view that Melchizedek was a Christophanic appearance of the preincarnate Son of God. Yet, numerous Christians have at one time or another heard this hypothesis mentioned. The origin of this belief is not easily traced. William T. Bullock points out that around A.D. 400 “Epiphanius says some (Haer. lxvii.3 & lv.5) in the church held the false view that Melchizedek was the Son of God,” and that apparently, “Ambrose (De. Abrah. 1§3)” was included among them.

 

Dean Henry Alford cites Jerome, who says, “Marcus Eremita [about 400], who wrote a treatise on Melchisedec, mentions heretics who believed him to be ‘God the Word, before He took flesh, or was born of Mary.’ ” Alford goes on to say that Ambrose seems to have held this view, although “he expressly states him to have been merely a holy man, a type of Christ. This last view was ever the prevalent one in the church.” (It is not uncommon for the church Fathers to contradict themselves in their various writings.)

 

Finally, Alford notes, “In later times the idea that he was the Son of God has been revived.” Alford himself, however, seems to fall short of adopting this view completely when he says, “Melchisedec is a prophetic symbol of Him” and “the city over which Melschisedec reigned, as well as his own name, was of typical significance.” Alford feels that there is perhaps too much mystery involved in the matter to come to a sure conclusion.

 

Writing in 1864, Moses Stuart, in a two-page excursus, lists ten views regarding the identity of Melchizedek. He says that of the nine false opinions the most popular view was that Melchizedek was Christ. Stuart states that this view has been defended in recent times by Pierre du Moulin (Lat. Molinaeus), Joachim Cunaeus, Jacques Gaillard, Johann H. Hottinger, Johann A. Stark, Johann W. Petersen, and others. Bullock, who also wrote in 1864, says this position “has been adopted by many modern critics.”

 

B. H. Carroll, the founder and president (around 1900) of Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary in Fort Worth, Texas, considered the view “plausible,” but totally rejected it. In 1972, Homer A. Kent, Jr., then President of Grace Theological Seminary, noted that “occasionally among popular Bible teachers of the present, one finds Melchizedek identified as a theophany.” Thus, this view has generally been considered to be false throughout church history and has not been widely espoused, yet apparently is sometimes still taught in some places.

 

F. W. Farrar, in a rather forceful vein, gives his characterization of this particular view of Melchizedek. He says:

 

The notion that Mechizedek was … “God the Word, previous to Incarnation,” … [is] on all sound hermeneutical principles, not only “almost” but quite “childish”.… No Hebrew, reading these words, would have been led to these idle and fantastic conclusions about the super-human dignity of the Canaanite prince.

 

II. Some Basic Reasons Why Melchizedek Should Not Be Identified As Christ

 

There are, of course, a number of overriding factors which have caused Christians in general to reject the identification of Melchizedek as Christ. These arguments are based squarely upon the clear statements and revealed theology of the Word of God and may be comprehended under four sections.

 

A.   The Identification Ignores the Details of Genesis 14

 

The identification of Melchizedek as Christ ignores certain details of the historical account in Genesis 14. Two facts stand out, namely, Melchizedek was the king of a city (v. 18), and he performed a religious ceremony (v. 19–20).

 

1.   Although it has been variously interpreted (“spiritualized” and allegorized), there are no compelling reasons for taking Salem as other than a topographic location, probably Jerusalem, as found in its shortened form (“Salem”) in Psalm 76:2. Since theophanies in human form were always quite temporary and fleeting, it would be highly unusual for God to have visited Abram while posing as the king of a Canaanite city. Besides, in none of the identifiable Christophanies was the one who appeared connected in any permanent way with life on this earth.

2.   When Christ appeared in the human-form theophanies He never performed a religious ceremony. Yet Melchizedek was titled “priest of the most high God” and brought bread and wine, the elements of a completed sacrifice, while he pronounced a blessing upon Abraham.

 

Patrick Fairbairn, writing in 1854, plainly states the natural conclusions to be drawn from the historical details given in Genesis 14: “But the view now almost universally acquiesced in is, that he was simply a Canaanite sovereign, who combined with his royal dignity as king of Salem the office of a true priest of God. No other supposition, indeed, affords a satisfactory explanation of the narrative.”

 

B.   The Identification Disagrees with the Book of Hebrews

 

The identification of Melchizedek as Christ also disagrees in several points with the book of Hebrews.

 

1.   Hebrews 7:3 declares in essence that Melchizedek had no recorded genealogy. Some mistake this to signify eternality of being. But, Hebrews 7:6 plainly states that Melchizedek did have a genealogy, although it was not traced through Abraham.

2.   This identification would destroy the argument of the book of Hebrews. Christ is better than angels (1:4), better than Moses (3:3), and better than Melchizedek (7:22). This would not be so if Christ were Melchizedek.

3.   A third disagreement with the book of Hebrews lies in the statement that Melchizedek was “made like unto the Son of God” (Heb. 7:3), as a copy or facsimile. Again, this would not be true if Melchizedek were Christ, for why should the text say he is made like unto Christ if he actually were Christ?

4.   A fourth disagreement revolves around the statement that Melchizedek remains a priest continually (Heb. 7:3). Those who see Melchizedek as Christ must argue that his priesthood remained forever. If so, however, it would conflict not only with Aaron’s priesthood but also with that of Christ Himself. How could Christ be an eternal Melchizedek and at the same time exercise a ministry as Jesus Christ? The phrase in question is better taken to teach that Melchizedek’s priesthood was not humanly derived from another and had no recorded ending.

5.   Finally, the oft repeated statement (Psa. 110:4; Heb. 5:6; 6:20; 7:11, 21) that Christ is a priest “after the order of Melchizedek” “clearly differentiates Christ and Melchizedek, and it would hardly be a clarification if the text said he was a priest after the order of himself.”

 

C.   The Identification Lacks Any Christophanic Confirmation

 

This identification of Melchizedek also lacks necessary confirmation in Scripture. The characteristic pattern of the human-form theophanies is not found in the Melchizedek account. That is, he was never identified as Deity, as was normal in the case of all Christophanies. There were no introductory phrases such as “the Lord appeared” (Gen. 12:7), “the Lord said” (Gen. 13:14), or “the angel of the Lord said” (Gen. 16:9), which are so common in the Christophanies around the Genesis 14 passage. Neither was there any recognition on Abram’s part that he had seen God as at other times (e.g., Gen. 18:25). This omission of any textual indication of a Christophanic appearance seems almost conclusive in itself that Melchizedek was someone other than Deity.

 

D.   The Identification Lacks Etymological Support

 

Finally, the identification of Melchizedek as Christ requires one to suggest that since Melchizedek means “king of righteousness” he must have been a Christophany. The Hebrew scholars Carl Frederick Keil and Franz Delitzsch note that “judging from Josh. 10:1, 3, where a much later king is called Adonizedek, i.e. Lord of Righteousness, this name may have been a standing title of the ancient kings of Salem.” It is out of the question to see Adonizedek (this later, pagan Canaanite king of Jerusalem whom Joshua had to conquer) as a Christophany, but his title was very similar to Melchizedek’s. This type of title for Canaanite dynastic rulers probably originated with a king such as Melchizedek, who, fearing the most high God, truly did rule his subjects with justice.

 

Additionally, Hamilton notes that other Old Testament names which contain “the first element malki—(e.g., Malchiel, ‘El is my king’ [Gen. 46:17]; Malchiah, ‘Yahweh is my king’ [Jer. 38:6]) are read unanimously as names with mlk as an epithet rather than a theophoric element.” In other words, Melchizedek would be a descriptive name, as those above, not one that bears some other allegorical meaning.

 

 

The etymology, therefore, does not convincingly argue for a Christophany but rather for the fact that Melchizedek was the real, historical priest-king of Salem, whose life and ministry at some points typified Christ’s.

 

III. Conclusions

Who, then, was this Melchizedek? Many conjectures have been made. He has been identified, for example, as an angel, Enoch, or Shem. George Bush speaks hyperbolically when he says that “the bare recital of the different opinions that have been entertained would fill a volume.” However, as early as Josephus the view is expressed that Melchizedek was “king of the city Salem.” Bullock says this “certainly was the opinion of … most of the early Fathers … of Theodoret … and Epiphanius … and is now generally received.” Irenaeus, Eusebius, John Calvin, Cornelius à Lapide, Ernst F. K. Rosenmüller, and Robert S. Candlish, according to Thomas Whitelaw, were also of this persuasion.

 

Keil and Delitzsch nicely summarize the ideas regarding the true identity of Melchizedek: “We can see in him nothing more than one, perhaps the last, of the witnesses and confessors of the early revelation of God, coming out into the light of history from the dark night of heathenism. Yet this appearance does point to a priesthood of universal significance.” Herbert C. Leupold adds that “we are compelled to regard this venerable king-priest as a worshipper and publicly an adherent of the true religion of Yahweh as handed down from the sounder tradition of the times of the Flood.”

 

In fact, the view that Melchizedek was not a Christophany is the only position that can be upheld by sound hermeneutics and exegesis applied diligently to the biblical records of Genesis 14 and Hebrews 7. It is for these reasons, therefore, that Melchizedek is not regarded as a Christophany in the body of this work.

 

IV. A Summary of the Appendix

The figure of Melchizedek, who suddenly appears and then vanishes just as quickly from the scene in Genesis 14:18–20, has drawn the attention of practically every Bible scholar. Because of the particular attention given to Melchizedek in Hebrews 5–7, some have entertained the idea that he is to be identified as Christ. Among those who have held this opinion are some considered heretics by Marcus Eremita around a.d. 400. Epiphanius also calls this a false view but says that some in his day were of that opinion regarding Melchizedek. In modern times the view has been defended by Molinaeus, Cunaeus, Gaillard, Hottinger, Stark, Petersen, many modern critics, and sometimes among popular Bible teachers.

 

Against this identification of Melchizedek as Christ, however, are a number of salient points.

1.   First, the identification ignores the historical details of Genesis 14, such as the fact that Melchizedek was the king of a local city named Salem. When Christ appeared in the human-form theophanies He never came as a person tied in some permanent way to this earth. Again, the Christophanic individual never performed a religious ceremony as Melchizedek did.

2.   Second, the identification disagrees in several points with the book of Hebrews.

a)   Melchizedek did have a genealogy, though it was not traced through Abraham.

b)   If Melchizedek were Christ, then Christ could not be “better than” Melchizedek; thus part of the argument of Hebrews would be destroyed.

c)   It would be foolish to say Melchizedek was made like Christ, if indeed he were Christ.

d)   Melchizedek could not have had an eternal priesthood because such would conflict with Aaron’s priesthood and even with Christ’s.

e)   To say that Christ is a priest after the order of Melchizedek clearly differentiates the two individuals.

3.   Third, the identification of Melchizedek as Christ lacks the normal, clear confirmation by scriptural declaration. Christophanies are not presented to the reader in cryptic fashion. They are always clearly identified with such phrases as “the Lord appeared” or “the angel of the Lord said.”

4.   The identification is not convincing from the standpoint of etymology. Rather than interpreting Melchizedek as a personal name with an allegorical meaning, the name should be seen as a title for ancient Jebusite rulers of the city-state Salem. This is shown from similar titles such as “Adonizedek” (Josh. 10:1, 3). Adonizedek was a later king of Jerusalem but likewise certainly not a Christophany.

 

Finally, Melchizedek should be viewed as a godly Canaanite prince who had retained the true knowledge of Jehovah from his ancestors back to the time of Noah’s Deluge. Combined in his person were the twin offices of king and priest. The divine omissions concerning his genealogy, birth, and death were for the purpose of presenting him as a type of Christ in the New Testament. (James A. Borland, Christ in the Old Testament [Fearn, UK: Christian Focus Publications, 1999], 139–147)

"Skewed Directions" in the 2000 English Translation "The Sagas of the Icelanders"

  

directions austur/vestur/norour/suour (east/west/north/south): These directional terms are used in a very wide sense in the sagas; they are largely dependent on context, and they cannot be trusted to reflect compass directions. Internationally, ‘the east’ generally refers to the countries to the was and south-east of Iceland, and although ‘eastern’ usually refers to a Norwegian, it can also apply to a Swede (especially since the concept of nationality was still not entirely clear when the sagas were being written), and might even be used for a person who has picked up Russian habits. ‘The west’, or to ‘go west’, tends to refer to Ireland and what are now the British Isles, but might even refer to lands even farther afield; the point of orientation is west of Norway. When confined to Iceland, directional terms sometimes refer to the quarter to which a person is travelling e.g., a man going to the Althing from the east of the country might be said to be going ‘south’ rather than the geographically more accurate ‘west’, and a person going home to the West Fjords from the Althing is said to be going ‘west’ rather than ‘north’. (“Glossary,” in The Sagas of Icelanders [New York: Viking Penguin, 2000], 743)

 

Thursday, January 26, 2023

Excerpts from Arnaldo Vidigal Xavier da Silveira, Can Documents of the Magisterium of the Church Contain Errors?

 


The ordinary Magisterium, however, may involve infallibility in another way. This is the case where the same doctrine is taught by the ordinary Magisterium continuously and for a long time to the whole Church. Accordingly, in regard to the Marian Co-redemption, Fr. Joseph de Aldama, SJ, says:


Though the ordinary Magisterium of the Roman Pontiff is not infallible in itself, if, however, it teaches constantly and for a long time a certain doctrine in the entire Church as occurs in our case [the Co-redemption], its infallibility must be absolutely aditted; otherwise, it would lead the Church into error. (Josephus A. de Aldama, S.J., “Mariología in Sacrae Theologiae Summa [Madrid: Biblíoteca de Autores Cristianos, 1961], 3:418)


Therefore, according to Father de Aldama, the doctrine of the Marian Co-redemption is now considered to be infallibly taught by the Church, even though it has not been the object of any statement of the extraordinary Magisterium, either pontifical or universal.


This case illustrates the infallibility of the ordinary Magisterium through the continuity of a teaching, an extremely important principle usually forgotten by many Catholics who study our faith.


The doctrinal foundation of this claim to infallibility is the one pointed out by Father de Aldama: If the Popes and the universal Church could be wrong in a long and continuous series of ordinary documents on the same subject, the gates of hell would have prevailed against the Bride of Christ. (Arnaldo Vidigal Xavier da Silveira, “What is the Doctrinal Authority of Pontifical and Conciliar Documents,” Catolicisimo, no. 202 [October 1967], reprinted in Can Documents of the Magisterium of the Church Contain Errors? Can the Catholic Faithful Resist Them? [trans. John R. Spann and José Aloisio A. Schelini; Spring Grove, Pa.: The American Society For the Defense of Tradition, Family and Property, 2015], 15)


The many reasons for infallibility we have indicated should not be confused with the so-called passive infallibility of the faithful. This expression, current in sacred theology, means that the children of the Church, by following what she teaches, will certainly know the true faith. But they have no official mission of Magisterium at all, that is, their role in this matter is merely passive. (Ibid., 22)


A Proposition Close to Heresy


A proposition that is said to be close to heresy when it opposes a truth that has not yet been defined, but will be defined soon. For example: To deny the Immaculate Conception some time before its definition.


Note that, on the eve of the definition by Pius IX, the Immaculate Conception was already a doctrine infallibly proposed by the ordinary Magisterium. Therefore, to reject it at that point would be to fall into heresy, not just to be close to heresy. But between the 12th century, when Saint bernard could deny it without meriting censure, and the moment in which it was defied by the ordinary Magisterium, there was a time span during which to deny it was to place oneself close to heresy.


We also call close to heresy that proposition which “not all, but many theologians call heretic, for good reasons.” For example: That without grace, man can durably keep all the precepts of natural law and avoid all mortal sin. This proposition is close to heresy because many theologians, though not all, sustain that the opposed truth has been defined by the church. (Arnaldo Vidigal Xavier da Silveira, “Not Only Heresy Can Be Condemned by Ecclesiastical Authority, Catolicismo, no. 203 [November 1967], reprinted in ibid., 38)


“Rejoice, O Crusher of All Heresies”


We pray in the Little Office of Our Lady: “Gaude, Maria Virgo, cunctas haereses sola interemisti in universo mundo”--Rejoice, O Virgin Mary, for Thou alone hast crushed all heresies in the whole world.”


Let us ask her the grace to have a pure and ardent faith, knowing how to avoid not just destructive heresy, but anything that could stain it. (Ibid., 46)


A Dogma of the Ordinary Magisterium


A frequent notion in Catholic circles is that the only dogmas are those which have been the object of solemn definitions by Popes or Councils. This notion is false and dangerous. Indeed, there are also numerous dogmas defined by the ordinary and universal Magisterium, that is, by the continuity of the teachings of the Popes and Bishops in the daily exercise of their teaching mission, through encyclicals, papal allocution, collective pastoral documents, etc. if a doctrine of faith or morals is taught without controversy for a long time by the whole Church, there is no way one could doubt that it is infallible. If it were not, the Spouse of Christ would have been transformed into a teacher of error and would be leading souls to hell. This explains how theologians teach that Mary’s Co-redemption is now a dogma, for even though it has not been the object of a solemn definition, it was nevertheless taught by the Popes without interruption for one hundred years.


Now then, the condemnation of artificial contraceptive practices dates from the early centuries of the church. Progressives themselves recognize it.


In this regard, there are definitive texts by Clement of Alexandria, Saint Epiphanius, Saint Jerome, Saint Augustine, Saint Cesaire of Arles, Saint Martin of Braga, Saint Gregory the Great, Saint Thomas Aquinas, and other medieval Doctors, Sixtus V, Gregory XIV, and Saint Alphonsus Liguori, as well as the Roman Catechism, the Confession Manuals, and the old canon Law.


Also on the 19th century and the first half of the 20th, the doctrine condemning artificial contraception stands firm and uncontested among theologians; and above all, it is sanctioned by about twenty documents of the Holy Office and the Sacred Penitentiary, as well as by grave pronouncements by Pius XI and Pius XII.


In view of the clarity of Tradition on this matter, theologians unanimously sustained, already at the time of Pius XI, that the issue had been closed by a dogmatic definition of the ordinary magisterium. Only with the progressive offensive were doubts raised about the issue. But such doubts are entirely unfounded.


And, as a consequence of this fact, the statement also imposes itself, that the sentence favorable to artificial contraception is heretical. (Arnaldo Vidigal Xavier da Silveira, “Can a Catholic Reject Humanae Vitae?” Catolicismo, nos. 212/214 [August/October 1968], reprinted in ibid., 101-2)


Can There Be Error in a Doctrinal Document by a Bishop, the Entire Episcopate of a Nation, or of a Part of the World?


Out of reverence for the Sacred Hierarchy, many of the faithful hesitate to admit that doctrinal episcopal documents can contain some error (this hesitation practically no longer exists in regard to disciplinary measures). Although this attitude is often born from a true love for the Church, it can nevertheless lead Catholics to difficult and even insoluble situations, placing their very faith at risk. (Arnaldo Vidigal Xavier da Silveira, “Can There Be Errors in Documents of the Magisterium?” Catolicismo, no. 223 [July 1969], reprinted in ibid., 106)


Rodney Castleden on what the Minoans looked like vs. how they portrayed themselves in artwork

 



APPEARANCE AND DRESS


Although the Minoan civilization had its origins as long as five thousand years ago and had come to an end by 1000 BC, we nevertheless have a very clear idea what the Minoan people looked like. There was in the region of a hundred statuettes in stone, metal and clay, showing us ordinary Minoans worshipping. There are also representations of Minoans on sealstones and decorative metalwork, as well as in the best-known medium of all, the frescoes. Among these, there is plenty of evidence of the sort of clothes they wore and of their general appearance or, to be more precise, of the way in which the Minoans liked to see themselves.


The Minoans depicted themselves as straight-nosed (often with a high bridge), and with large almond-shaped eyes. They had conspicuous eyebrows and long, wavy black fair falling in curling locks to their shoulders and sometimes to their waists. Their tanned bodies were athletic and tense with nervous energy; their arms, shoulders and thighs were strong and muscular, their waists and lower legs slim and lithe. It is above all physically attractive type that we are shown, graceful whether in repose or engaged in energetic activity, and graceful in a rather self-conscious theatrical way: it is the grace of a matador or a ballet dancer.


Whether the majority of Minoans actually possessed these characteristics is another matter. Perhaps we should see them as goals or ideals against which individual Mnoans were measured. Perhaps, alternatively, it is only the young Minoans that are depicted. In Crete today, even millennia later, after many other races have passed through, the stereotypes of Minoan beauty can still be seen in young men and women in their teens and twenties with all the characteristics of the people in the frescoes. One of the bronze figurines of worshippers show a rather portly man in a loincloth, making the gesture of adoration, first to forehead: but this departure from the lithe, athletic and above all youthful norm is unusual.


In classical Greece too an ideal of human physical perfection was held up for admiration, and for a particular purpose: the city-state needed strong young men to defend and preserve it, so there was a strong practical need to encourage the development of strong, healthy male bodies. In Minoan Crete a similar impulse may have lain behind the perfect male figures, but the existence of ideals of female beauty must have had a different purpose: no mortal female warriors are shown. It may be that there was a religious motive; only perfect female (and perhaps male) forms could become the incarnation of a deity . . . Wherever possible, the Minoans’ fashions in clothes, jewellery and face-painting were designed to accentuate the bodily characteristics that were specially favoured. The very fact that the men often wore very skimpy clothes revealing as much of their physique indicates their intense love of physical beauty. (Rodney Castleden, Minoans: Life in Bronze Age Crete [London: Routledge, 1990], 9-11)


Wednesday, January 25, 2023

Robert Grigg on the Background to Canon 36 of the Council of Elvira

  

It is not impossible that the members of the Council of Elvira failed to understand Exodus 20:4 literally, but interpreted it as specifically aimed at images of divinity. Tertullian of course did not understand it in this fashion, (Tertullian, De idololatria 4) but Clement of Alexandria apparently did. Clement, like other apologists both Jewish and Christian, was fond of thinking that pagan philosophers, in their more lucid moments, were echoing what was in Scripture. (Henry Chadwick, The Early Church, The Pelican History of the Church, no. 1 [Baltimore, 1967], p. 76) For example, according to Clement, Numa Pompilius must have been inspired by the Second Commandment: he forbade the production of an image of divinity in human form. (Clement of Alexanddria, Stromateis 1.15 [Migne, PG 8.777]) Clement also compared the aniconic precepts of Pythagoras to the Old Testament prohibition, writing that it was the purpose of the law of Moses to prevent men from clinging to things of the senses and dishonoring divinity by worshipping it in material form. (Ibid. 5.5 [Migne, PG 9.49]) These two reports, I believe, have some quite startling implications. It seems that in order to make these comparisons plausible Clement was tempted to read into the Old Testament prohibition ideas which were found in pagan polemics against images were not a part of the prohibition's literal meaning, which, as Tertullian seems to have realized, was categorical with respect to likenesses. At times it appears that later churchmen, whether for or again images, also assumed, as did Clement, that it was aimed specifically at images of God. John of Damascus, for example, wrote that it is an act of "impiety to figure God. Hence, the use of images was not practiced in [the times of] the Old Testament." (De fide orthodoxa 4.16)

 

The clerics who met at Elvira likewise may have assumed, under the impact of the apologetic tradition, that the underlying purpose of the Second Commandment was to prevent the impiety of figuring divinity. It is not known who was responsible for Canon 36, much less how its authors knew of the apologetic tradition. But it is interesting to note that at least one member of the council, Ossius of Cordova, was interested in pagan philosophy, that is, if he be the "Osio" to whom Caleidius dedicated his translation of Plato's Timaeus. (Clereq, Ossius, pp. 69 ff., reviews the grounds for this identification) Ossius, who was to become an important adviser to Constantine, could hardly have effectively represented the church at an imperial court without having mastered the arguments of Christian apologists. And there is, I believe, evidence that Constantine was persuaded, perhaps through the advocacy of Ossius, to respect the avowed hostility of Christians to images. Thus it would be attractive to identify the canon with Ossius. Unfortunately there is no compelling evidence that he was its author. But whoever framed Canon 36 left in its evidence that the arguments of apologists against images were more than mere rationalizations used solely for the benefit of pagans. Instead, in at least one instance, they were used to enforce among Christians the practice of aniconic worship. (Robert Grigg, "Aniconic Worship and the Apologetic Tradition: A Note on Canon 36 of the Council of Elvira," Church History 45, no. 4 [December 1976]: 432-33)

 

 Further Reading:


Answering Fundamentalist Protestants and Roman Catholic/Eastern Orthodox on Images/Icons

James L. Farrell on the Ark Story as a Type and Shadow for the Latter-day Restoration of the Gospel

  

 

THE ARK STORY AS A TYPE AND SHADOW

 

In the following chart, I list the elements of the ark story on the left. On the right, I list the same elements, with minor word changes. (For example, I substitute gospel for ark and Gentiles for Philistines, changes indicated in boldface in the right-hand column.) Looking at these vents in this parallel form, we can see that the ark story bears striking resemblance to a much larger story—a story that is not obvious on the surface. There may be more going on in First Samuel 4 through 6 than at first meets the eye. . . .

 

LOSS AND RETURN OF THE ARK

LOSS AND RETURN OF THE GOSPEL

1. Israel loos to the ark as a power that will deliver a political/military victory

1. Israel looks for a Messiah who will deliver a political/military victory

2. The ark is lost from Israel

2. The gospel is lost from Israel

3. The temple is therefore lost from Israel

3. The temple is therefore lost from Israel

4. The ark of the God of Israel overcomes the gods of the Philistines

4. The gospel of the God of Israel overcomes the gods of the Gentiles

5. The ark afflicts the Philistines

5. The gospel afflicts the Gentiles

6. The Philistines come to believe in the power of the God of Israel

6. The Gentiles come to believe in the power of the God of Israel

7. The Philistines repent of their wrongdoing

7. The Gentiles repent of their wrongdoing

8. The Philistines take the ark back to Israel

8. The Gentiles take the gospel back to Israel

9. The Israelites who don’t treat the ark with proper respect lose the ark again and are destroyed

9. The Israelites who don’t treat the gospel with proper respect lose the gospel again and are destroyed

10. The return of the ark leads the Israelites to mourn and seek after the Lord

10. The return of the gospel leads the Israelites to mourn and seek after the Lord

11. The Israelites repent and put away false gods.

11. The Israelites repent and put away false gods

12. The Israelites put their trust in the Lord when being attacked by their enemies

12. The Israelites put their trust in the Lord when being attacked by their enemies

13. The Lord provides a military victory

13. The Lord provides a military victory

14. Israel looks for a temporal king

14. The Lord is established as King over Israel

 

Seen this way, the ark story becomes a “type” of a much larger story: It can be viewed as a grand prophecy of the gloss of the gospel from Israel and the latter-day restoration of that gospel through the Gentiles.

 

Just as the Israelites looked to the ark for political or military deliverance and missed the spiritual dimension of the ark and its source of power, so too at the time of Christ “they were too busy starting in search of a political liberator and missed the Messiah.” (Neal A. Maxwell, Things As They Really Are [Deseret Book, 1978[, 54) In missing the Messiah, they missed his gospel, and without that gospel, the fulness of the priesthood and the ordinances of the temple remained hidden from them.

 

Just as the ark became possessed by the Philistines, after Israel’s rejection of the Lord, the gospel was revealed to the Gentiles. “For thus it behooveth the father that it should come forth from the Gentiles, that he may show forth his power unto the Gentiles.” (3 Nephi 21:6) Just as the ark overcame the gods of the Philistines, the restored gospel will overcome the gods of the Gentiles, rolling forth as a stone cut out of a mountain without hands. (See Daniel 234-35) One by one, man will be brought by that gospel to a knowledge of their sins—and it will afflict them the way the ark afflicted by the Philistines. . . . after the Gentiles in the latter days come to the knowledge of the gospel and turn to Christ, they will be the instruments through whom the Lord restores the fulness of the gospel to the house of Israel: “in the latter days . . . shall the fulness of the gospel of the Messiah come unto the Gentiles, and from the Gentiles unto [Israel].” (1 Nephi 15:13) And the last shall be first, and the first shall be last.” (1 Nephi 13:42) Just as the Philistines brought the ark to Israel, so too in the latter days the Gentiles will bring the gospel back to Israel.

 

As in the ark story, when the gospel is restored to Israel, “as many of the Jews as will not repent shall be cast off.” (2 Nephi 30:2) Nevertheless, the restoration will lead many Israelites to mourn and seek after the Lord, (See Zechariah 12:10-11) and then to repent and put away false gods. (See Zechariah 13:1-2) After they repent they will turn to the Lor for deliverance. (See Zechariah 13:9) And when they do, the Lord will provide them a great military victory: “Then shall the Lord go forth, and fight against those nations, as when he fought in the day of battle. And his feet shall stand in that day upon the mount of Olives, which is before Jerusalem on the east, and the mount of Olives shall cleave in the midst thereof toward the east and toward the west, and there shall be a very great valley; and half of the mountain shall remove toward the north, and half of it toward the south. And ye shall flee to the valley of the mountains . . . and the Lord my God shall come, and all the saints with thee.” (Zechariah 14:3-5)

 

Completing the parallelism, after this great victory, “the Lord shall be king over all the earth.” (Zechariah 14:9)

 

We can see that from start to finish, the ark story matches the larger gospel story. The parallelism is striking. (James L. Farrell, The Hidden Christ: Beneath the Surface of the Old Testament [Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 2009], 152-55

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