Thursday, February 23, 2023

John Gee on the Changing Depiction of Cherubim from Winged, Falcon-headed lions to a babies with wings

  

Change and Decay in All Around I See

 

It has been noted that “the cherubim of the Bible are hardly the round-faced infant cherubim in Western art.” (Avigad and Sass, Corpus of West Semitic Stamp Seals, 157) How did the cherubim change from being depicted as a winged, falcon-headed lion to a baby with wings? The process actually starts in biblical times. When Nebuchadrezzar (Ibid., 103) conquered Jerusalem and destroyed the temple, the cherubim disappeared from the walls, the Holy of Holies, and the ark of the covenant.

 

The cherubim are associated with revelation since God spoke to Moses from between the cherubim (Numbers 7:89). It is in this context that we can appreciate the description of the cherubim in Ezekiel. For Ezekiel, the cherubim appear when he sees God. Ezekiel provides two descriptions of the cherubim He was of priestly lineage and may have seen the temple when young, but he does not describe the cherubim as they appeared in Solomon’s temple; instead, they have changed a bit. Ezekiel says that the cherubs were the living creatures that he saw at the Khabur river (Ezekiel 10:15). In that description, he described them as “the image of four animals and this is their form: they had the image of a man, and each had four faces and four wings to each one of them. And their feet were straight feet and the sole of their feet like the sole of a calf’s foot and sparkling like polished bronze. And the hands of a man were under their wings on the four sides and their faces and their wrings were on their shades. . . . .and the likeness of their faces were the face of a man and the face of a lion on the right side and the face of an ox on the left, and the face of an eagle on the side” (Ezekiel 1:5-8, 10).

 

Where the cherubim in Solomon’s temple had the face of a falcon or an eagle, Ezekiel’s cherubim had multiple faces. As David Halperin put it: “Ezekiel’s ḥayyot do not look very much like cherubim. The ḥayyot have basically human bodies (Ezekiel 1:6) and animal faces; cherubim have the reverse.” (Ibid., 110-11) Ezekiel’s visions have provided much confusion for those without access to his actual visions. Whether because Ezekiel came in the Babylonian exile or because he was misunderstood by later scribes, the current state of the text represents a first garbling of the depiction of the cherubim.

 

The cherubim were not part of the rebuilt temple of Zerubabel, and their understanding and imagery seems to have been forgotten. It has been argued that without the presence of the cherubim and the ark of the covenant, the temple “could have led only a shadowy existence” and lacked “a centre of gravity.” (A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian, eds. Jeremy Black, Andrew George, and Nicolas Postgate, 192-98, s.v. karābu) But the second temple lacked both and yet still had some gravity. For Jews of the Second Temple Period, the cherubim, which were no longer part of the architecture, faded into the background and were not depicted.

 

The real change in the iconography, however, came with Philo. For Philo, the cherubim were to be construed allegorically (υπονοιων εισαγει) as representing the movements of the whole heavens (την του παντος ουρανου φοραν), the cherub on the right representing the outermost sphere of fixed stars (η μεν ουν εξωτατω των λεγομενων απλανων), and the one on the left representing the inner sphere with moving planets. (Ibid., karūbu) He alternately considered the cherubim as the two hemispheres of the heavens. (Ibid., 216-17, kāribu) To an even higher allegory—which derives, Philo says, from his own thought—is the idea that the cherubim represent goodness (αγαθοτητα) and authority (εξουσιαν). (LSJ 361) But mostly the cherubim were “the winged and heavenly love of the gracious God” [τοω πτηνον ερωτα και ουρανιον του φιλοδωρου θεου].” (Carol Meyers, “Cherubim,” in Anchor Bible Dictionary, ed. David Noel Freedman [New York: Doubleday, 1992], 1:900) Philo uses the term ερως, or Eros, here, which is noteworthy for two things. The first is that the love of God is termed ερως, which is not the way modern theologians have erroneously taught us to consider the love of God. The second is that in Greek iconography, Eros (love), along with Himeros (yearning), “are portrayed as winged youths and later also as child putti.” In the history of Greek art, over time, “Eros grows young. He begins as a fairly grown-up boy in the archaic period, is a young boy in classical art, and becomes a playful putting in the Hellenistic age.” (David J. Halperin, The Faces of the Chariot: Early Jewish Responses to Ezekiel’s Vision [Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1988], 41) A gem from Late Antiquity shows Philo’s conception with two Erotes representing the cherubim in a depiction of the ark of the covenant. (Menahim Haran, Temples and Temple-Service [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978], 4)

 

In the Late Antique world, “in the West the cherubim are given the appearance of the four living creatures of Rev 4:6-7; in the East, the four heads and four wings of Ezek 1:10.” (Philo, On the Cherubim, VII 21-24) Illustrated manuscripts were promoted in the West under Pope Gregory the Great but not in the East until the Empress Theodora sanctioned them. (Ibid., VIII 25-26)

 

Thus the chain of transmission for the tradition was broken, and the original depiction was lost. It was then left for another tradition to supplant the original one. (John Gee, “Cherubim and Seraphim: Iconography in the First Jerusalem Temple,” in The Temple Past, Present, & Future: Proceedings of the Fifth Interpreter Foundation, ed. Stephen D. Ricks and Jeffrey M. Bradshaw [Salt Lake City: Eborn Books/Provo, Utah: The Interpreter Foundation, 2021], 102-4)

 

 

John Gee on the Meaning of "Nebuchadrezzar" and "Nebuchadnezzar"

  

The Bible has two different spellings of this name. Jeremiah (usually) and Ezekiel (always) use the spelling Nebuchadrezzar (see Jeremiah 21:2, 7; 22:25; 24:1; 25:1, 9; 29:21; 32;1, 28; 34:11; 37:1; 39:1, 5, 11; 43:10; 44:30; 46:2, 13, 26; 49:28, 30; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4, 12, 28, 29, 30; Ezekiel 26:7; 29:18, 19; 30:10). Other biblical writer use the spelling Nebuchadnezzar. Jeremiah and Ezekiel were pro-Babylonian, and the others were not. The anglicized spellings of the Hebrew names reflect two variants of the Akkadian name. Jeremiah and Ezekiel use the Hebrew form of the proper name of the king, Nabu-kudurri-uṣur, which means: “O Nabu, protect my eldest son!” Those who hated the Babylonians and the Babylonian captivity used the Hebrew form of the satirical name, Nabu-kūdani-uṣur, which means: “O Nabu, beware of the jack-ass!” It is doubtful that anyone would have dared to use the name Nebuchadnezzar to his face. (John Gee, “Cherubim and Seraphim: Iconography in the First Jerusalem Temple,” in The Temple Past, Present, & Future: Proceedings of the Fifth Interpreter Foundation, ed. Stephen D. Ricks and Jeffrey M. Bradshaw [Salt Lake City: Eborn Books/Provo, Utah: The Interpreter Foundation, 2021], 108 n. 62s)

 

Jasmin Gimenez Rappleye on The Gadarene Demoniac—Mark 5:1-9

The following comes from:

 

Jasmin Gimenez Rappleye, “The Messianic Sacred, Not Secret: The Son as a Hidden Name in the Gospel of Mark,” in The Temple Past, Present, & Future: Proceedings of the Fifth Interpreter Foundation, ed. Stephen D. Ricks and Jeffrey M. Bradshaw (Salt Lake City: Eborn Books/Provo, Utah: The Interpreter Foundation, 2021), 183-84

 

The Gadarene Demoniac—Mark 5:1-9

 

This exorcism introduces some peculiar elements that underscore the power of hidden names both for Jesus in the title “Son” and for the demons. In this pericope, Jesus journeyed by the sea near the country of the Garasenes when a possessed man exuberantly approached Jesus. The narrator described the dangerousness of this man, and Jesus attempted to exorcise the demon. It is at this point that the demon identified Jesus as “the Son of the most high God.” (52)

 

Unlike some episodes of exorcism, when the demons called Jesus “Son of the most high God” (Mark 5:7), there was no command to silence. (53) In other instances of exorcism, I argue that Jesus silenced the demons after they pronounced his name in order to prevent the demons from exerting power over him. However, this episode escalates the scope of Jesus’s power and superiority, for he successfully performed the exorcism despite the use of Jesus’s sacred name.

 

This exorcism presents a more menacing threat than previous encounters. Mark characterizes this man as particularly wild and possessed, and he takes a digression of several verses to describe the activities and pitiful state of the man (Mark 5:3-5). Mark describes the man as dwelling among graves, a location associated with ritual uncleanness, death, fear, and decay. The man had inhuman strength to be able to break chains and resist restraint. And the man elicits frightful mister, as he is described as “crying, and cutting himself with stones,” while he wandered the mountains and their tombs (Mark 5:5).

 

Mark further heightens the challenge of the episode by having the demon appropriate exorcist behavior. After declaring Jesus’s sacred name “Son,” the demon exclaimed, “I adjure thee by God, that thou torment me not” (Mark 5:7). The word rendered “adjure” in the King James Bible is the Greek word ορκιζω,” to make one swear” or “to administer and oath,” and is customarily used by an exorcist, not by the object of the exorcism (see Acts 19:13). (54) The demon, in his attempt to gain the upper hand, utilized Jesus’s hidden name and assumed the rhetorical posture of an exorcist.

 

In addition to the man’s altogether fearsome vignette, Mark raises the stakes of this exorcism by increasing the size of the demonic force. In the course of performing the exorcism, Jesus asked the demon for its name, a common element found elsewhere in the exorcism genre. (55) The demon revealed that its name was Legion and that it consisted of multiple spirits (Mark 5:9).

 

In the face of formidable opponent—formidable in visage, size, and behavior—Jesus nonetheless demonstrated superior power in his successful exorcism. This scene demonstrates that even if demons break from exorcism expectations, Jesus can be overpowered neither through possession of his sacred name, nor through large numbers, nor through special pleading. The “Son” only functions as a key word for righteous, covenanted, understanding disciples.

 

Note for the Above:

 

(52) This variation of the title “Son” is particularly appropriate for this Gentile setting. “Most High” distinguishes a certain god apart from a large pantheon of gods in pagan theology. For example, the “most high” god is an attested epithet in Hellenistic setting for Zeus. See Mark, Mark, 321; Collins, Mark, 268

 

(53) Roskam observes that another plausible reason for the lack of a command to silence is that Jesus was apparently alone with the disciples. While the crowds were not to know Jesus’s identity, he intends for his disciples to understand who he is. See Roskam, The Purpose of the Gospel of Mark, 179.

 

(54) Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, Henry Stuart Jones, and Roderick McKenzie, “ορκιζω,” in A Greek-English Lexicon, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1940).

 

(55) Collins, Mark, 166, 268. For a first-century example of this formula, see Testament of Solomon vol. 9, 15, 17, 21, 22, 24, 28, 33, 46, 48, 51, 52, 58, 60, 64, 70, 72, 73, 121, 125.

 

Freidel, Schele, and Parker on Mesoamerican peoples symbolically centering themselves in a universe that existed inside the four directions

  

Since the Spanish Conquest, most Maya towns have been stamped with the grid of the European worldview—straight streets, and churches and government buildings arranged around a square. But Vogtie showed his students, Freidel among them, how the patterns intertwine with the European overlay; how the metaphysical dimensions of the Maya world, the boundaries of the four directions and the center, exist in relation to one another. How the wild world of the forests, mountains, and ancestral abodes and the tame world of homes, churches, and community are woven together in the pilgrimages of the shamans, or the h'iloletik, as Zinacamtecos call them.

 

A few years after the experience Freidel describes above, Vogtie committed his perceptions of the Zinacanteco cosmos to paper in one of the clearest analyses of Maya reality ever written. Tortillas for the Gods. There he explained how the center relates to the four directions:

 

Houses and fields are small-scale models of the quincuncial cosmogony. The universe was created by the VAXAK-MEN, gods who support it at its corners and who designated its center, the "navel of the world,' in Zina cantan Center. Houses have corresponding corner posts; fields emphasize the same critical places, with cross shrines at their comers and centers. These points are of primary ritual importance. (Vogt 1976:58)

 

We now know that the first act of Creation was to center the world by placing the stones of the cosmic hearth. The second was to raise the sky, establish the sides and the corners of the cosmic house that is the sky. The Maya at places like Cerros, Yaxuna, and Zinacantan have been centering the world and creating the four sides ever since. The center could be grand both in scale and execution, or like the navel of a human being, it could be a faint, vestigial marker of the remains of the umbilicus that was once connected to an original source of creation and sustenance could be created by ritual wherever the Maya needed one. Each household shrine in the outlying hamlets of Zinacantan is central to the family that worships there. Each water hole shared by families living together for generations is central to their lives. Each of the great mountain homes of the Father-Mothers is central when its crosses are adorned with pine tips and carnations, the offerings are arranged, the portals are open, and devout descendants kneel before them in prayer while partake of the offering meal. In fact, Vogtie told us, the three peaks

Senior Large Mountain, the most important of these mountain shrines are called the three stones of the hearth. (David Freidel, Linda Schele, and Joy Parker, Maya Cosmos: Three Thousand years on the Shaman's Path [New York: William Morrow, 1993], 126-27)

 

Further Reading:


Brant Gardner on Helaman 3:8


Margaret and Stephen Bunson on "Cardinal Points" in Ancient Mesoamerica

Wednesday, February 22, 2023

Shon D. Hopkin on Mary as New/Second Eve

  

This life-giving sacrifice on Jesus’s part would have been impossible if his mother, Mary, had not previously exercised her role as a life-giver, a role given expression in both the monthly cycle and in the blood and water present at the birth of Jesus. Indeed, the life-giving elements of water, blood, and the spirit that the time of birth are connected early in Christianity to the elements of spiritual life. (See 1 John 5:6, 8 and Moses 6:59-60 for the elements of water, blood, and the spirit [along with Luke 22:44 and John 19:34]) From a Latter-day Saint perspective tied to the reality of premortal existence, Mary became a second Eve. She first chose to enter mortality with all its attendant challenges for women as life-givers. She then chose to accept God’s will and give life to the Son of God, thereby making eternal life possible for all humanity. (Shon D. Hopkin, “Women, Eve, and the Mosaic Covenant: A Latter-day Saint Theological Reading,” in Seek Ye Words of Wisdom: Studies on the Book of Mormon, Bible, and Temple in Honor of Stephen D. Ricks, ed. Donald W. Parry, Gaye Strathearn, and Shon D. Hopkin [Provo, Utah: Interpreter Foundation and Religious Education, Brigham Young University, 2020], 196)

 

E. K. Simpson & F. F. Bruce and Charles Hodge on Ephesians 3:5

 

 

Hebrew prophecy had not been silent respecting this divine secret (cf. Isa. 56:5); but it had remained an unwelcome topic to the Jewish mind, absorbed in the contemplation of its own peculiar privileges and construing any ultimate extension of their compass only as foreshadowing accessions of Gentile proselytes to the ranks of the theocracy. To us indeed, as we look back over nineteen centuries of the out-workings of Christianity, God’s wider purposes may sound almost a commonplace. To Paul, however, they stood out in relief above every other phenomenon in the annals of mankind, as the veriest clue of the ages, the disclosure of the divine program touching mankind. And that he should be deputed for its setting on foot sent a thrill through his inmost being, at once elating and blended with awe and wonder. (E. K. Simpson and F. F. Bruce, The Epistles to the Ephesians and the Colossians [The New International Commentary on the Old and New Testament; Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1957], 72–73)

 

V. 5. God by revelation had made known to Paul a mystery, or purpose, which was not revealed as it now was to the apostles. That the Gentiles were to partake of the blessings of the Messiah’s reign, and to be united as one body with the Jews in his kingdom, is not only frequently predicted by the ancient prophets, but Paul himself repeatedly and at length quotes their declarations on this point to prove that what he taught was in accordance with the Old Testament; see Rom. 9:25–33. The emphasis must, therefore, be laid on the word as. This doctrine was not formerly revealed as, i. e. not so fully or so clearly as under the Gospel. (Charles Hodge, A Commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians [New York: Robert Carter and Brothers, 1858], 162–163.)

 

Further Reading:


The Book of Mormon's Knowledge of Gentile Inclusion in the New Covenant: Does it Contradict the Bible?

Charles Tieszen on the Use of Typological Exegesis to Support Icon Veneration by Christians Responding to Islamic Critics

  

Explaining the Symbols of the Cross
with Typological Exegesis

 

Many of the authors in this chapter attempt to strengthen their explanations of cross veneration through biblical exegesis. In this way, they appeal to biblical precedents, arguing that pre-cursors of the cross or cross veneration can be located in the Old Testament or that such examples function typologically. Typological exegesis of the Bible was not uncommon among Christian communities and was certainly not limited to ventures in finding examples of the cross in the Old Testament. For example, Origen, the third-century Christian theologians, was well known for his allegorical and typological readings of scripture. Though not limited to Christian usage, the result for Christian exegetes was that many things in the New Testament or elements of Christian doctrine could be located or foretold via literal, allegorical or typological readings in the Old Testament. In like manner, testimonia, collections of quotations from sources like the Old Testament, were compiled and used to ground arguments in ancient text.

 

When it comes to our authors, validating veneration of the cross meant giving their devotion precedents in ancient monotheism. . . . for example, Leo III defends his claim that the cross bestows honour upon Christ by appealing to scripture. Accordingly, he asserts that in Isaiah 60:13, when the prophet Isaiah looks forward to the return of the Jews from exile and the reconstruction of their temple, that the wood of the cross is actually in mind: ‘The fir tree, the pine and the box together, to render honourable the place of My sanctuary; and I will render glorious the place of My feet’. Solomon, too, is made by Leo to speak of the wooden cross when he writes, ‘Blessed be the wood by which justice is exercised’ (Wisdom 14:7; here referring to the refuge offered by a wooden vessel in a storm) and ‘It is the tree of life for all those who embrace it, and who attach themselves solidly to it as the Lord’ (Proverbs 3:18; here referring to wisdom personified). Each of these passages has its own exegetical context, but they are made by Leo to support his arguments for the wood from which crosses should be made. Overall, Christians are simply following the example of their forebears when they venerate the cross.

 

Bar Koni refers to Old Testament texts concerning the Ark of the Covenant in is attempt to distinguish between the wood of the cross that is not worshiped and the person for whom it stands who is worshiped. The master in Bar Koni’s text asks the student, ‘tell me, do you regard the Ark of the Covenant as God or as silent wood?’ When the student responds that it was obviously just wood, the master asserts, ‘Joshua son of Nun “fell on his face before the Ark of the Lord” (Joshua 7:6), did he not?’ The student agrees, so the master presses, ‘Is it the wood [that Joshua] adored, or God?’ Of course, the student responds that Joshua was worshiping God because he lived in the Ark of the Covenant. When the master asks if the student means that God lived in the wood of the Ark, the student clarifies that God did not live in the wood, but his nature was joined to it as a means for showing the way he operated in the world. This clarification is then used by the master to demonstrate the way that Christ is worshiped by venerating a wooden cross and how this relationship is comparable and even more significant than the relationship of the Ark and God’s presence. In all of this, the Ark of the Covenant becomes, in Bar Koni’s exegesis, a type of the cross.

 

. . .

 

Bar far the most important and consistently used example among these authors is Moses, Leo explains that Christians honour the cross, having learned to do so from a command given by God to Moses. Here, Leo refers to Exodus 28:36-8 and the golden plate (tsīts) that God directed Moses to make as a priestly vestment. On it was engraved the phrase ‘holy to Yahweh’ (qodesh layahweh)—though Leo claims that the vestment ‘bore the image of a cross, as the Word of God who suffered for us in His human nature’. The vestment was to be worn by Aaron on his forehead (on the front of his turban) and signify that he was bearing the guilt of the Israelites so that their gifts to God might be acceptable. For Leo, the golden plate prefigured the cross as a symbol and its function as the locus of Christ’s vicarious atonement for humanity. Perhaps this is why Leo offers the curious invention of the cross allegedly inscribed on the plate (instead of the Hebrew phrase meaning ‘holy to Yahweh’). Even more interesting, Leo claims that this is the source of the Christian tradition of making the sign of the cross on their foreheads. Of course, Leo may have had in mind an exegetical tradition similar to one attached to Ezekiel 9:4, 6. Here the Hebrew letter tāv, at one time written with intersecting lines in the shape of a cross (either a ‘+’ or reclining on its side as ‘x’), was put on the foreheads of those who mourned the abominations committed in Jerusalem. Like Tertullian or Origen in the third century, exegetes looking in the Old Testament for types of the cross could find ready material in the passage for their pursuit. In a similar way, perhaps, the sign of the cross is given Old Testament precedent by Leo. (Charles Tieszen, Cross Veneration in the Medieval Islamic World: Christian Identity and Practice Under Muslim Rule [The Early and Medieval Islamic World; London: I. B. Tauris, 2017], 76-77, 79-80)

 

Further Reading:


Answering Fundamentalist Protestants and Roman Catholic/Eastern Orthodox on Images/Icons

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