Episode 65: History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Ireland
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That some men are destined to destruction is seen in 1QH
II, 23-24 where the Psalmist expressly declares that the judgment of the wicked
is an occasion for glory to God. In even stronger terms XV, 17 reminds us that
God "didst create the wicked into [the periods of] Thy wra[th] and from
the womb Thou didst set them apart for the day of slaughter .... " But the
next line, to which we shall have later occasion to return, hastens to point
out that the reason for this is that the wicked have not walked in a way
pleasing to God. Ringgren feels that this idea is inconsistent with the Qumran
teaching as a whole, though we feel it
can be and is reconciled within the sectarian theology in general. (Eugene H.
Merrill, Qumran and Predestination: A Theological Study of the Thanksgiving Hymns
[Leiden: Brill, 1975], 42)
Salvation, like creation, was Divinely initiated and was
strictly on the basis of God's gracious act of predestination. This did not
obviate the need for repentance, atonement, and forgiveness, however, for all
men were evil from the womb and have a certain responsibility to achieve a
right posture before God. In other words, there is room for free will within
the predestinarian framework. This is the real dilemma in Qumranian thought:
how could God foreknow and foreordain the destinies of all men and yet allow
then the privilege and responsibility of deciding for or against Him?
There are two aspects from which this question and its
solution may be viewed. First, God had raised up the Teacher to continue His
covenant relationship with His Chosen People, but now, in apocalyptic times,
the chosen were not all of Israel. Only the Elect, the "remnant,"
were able to come to terms with God. Secondly, they came as they recognized the
authority of the Teacher who imparted to them revelation concerning God's
redemptive plan. When given an understanding of such knowledge men would
voluntarily come to the Community of faith and covenant themselves to God's
Kingdom. But that some men should be given such knowledge while others had it
withheld from them was mystery locked up in the inscrutable plan of God.
After entering the Covenant family, the sectarian must
maintain a life of constant fidelity to covenant principles. He must revere the
Teacher, resist the evil spirit, and love and serve God. All of the ability to
do this was a gift given him by a gracious Lord. If faithful, he had the
prospect of an entrance into the world of eternal spirits where he would enjoy
everlasting felicity. If he died before the New Age commenced he nevertheless
would be resurrected to partake in it with all the other Elect of the ages. The
wicked, though perhaps enjoying this present life to some degree, would
ultimately be annihilated and would never again appear. (Ibid., 57-58)
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The following comes from :
Edward L. Greenstein and
David Marcus, “The
Akkadian Inscription of Idrimi,” Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern
Society 8, no. 1 (1976): 76-77:
Oppenheim (JNES 14
[1955], 200) and Wiseman (Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, Supplementary
Volume [Nashville, 1976], 17) have recognized a general similarity in Idrimi to
the stories of Genesis (presumably Jacob’s flight to Haran) and David. However,
the resemblances run deeper. In fact, the narrative structure in Idrimi has
clear parallels in the stories of Jephthah and David in the Hebrew Bible. ON
the basis of these parallels it is possible to determine the meaning of this
obscure passage in the inscription of Idrimi.
The narrative structure may
be schematized as follows:
|
IDRIMI |
JEPTHTHAH |
DAVID |
The flight |
In Aleppo, my
ancestral home, a hostile [incident] occurred so that we had to flee . . . (3-4). |
They expelled Jephthah
telling him: “You shall not inherit our father’s estate” (v. 2). |
|
|
I set forth and
went to Canaan (18-19). |
Jephthah fled from
his brothers and settled in the land of Tob |
David set out and
fled . . . and he came to Achish King of Fath (21:11); David went out from
(Gath) and fled to the cave of Adullam (22:1). |
Recognition by
kinsmen |
|
|
|
|
When they realized that
I was their lord’s son (24-25) |
-- |
His kinsmen and his
paternal household heard (22:1) |
Joining the exiled
hero |
|
|
|
|
They gathered to me
(25-26). |
There gathered to Jephtah
social outcasts (lit., “empty men”) (v. 3) |
They went down to
him there. There assembled to him every man in trouble, every man who had a
creditor, every bitter man (22:2) |
Making the
fugitive/exile leader |
|
|
|
|
|
They said to
Jephthah: “Come to be our leader . . . for now we have returned to you . . .
and so that you will be our leader . . .” Jephthah replied to the elders of Gilead
. . . “I will be your leader” (vv. 6, 8, 9; cf. 10:18). |
And he (David)
became ruler over them (v. 2). |
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Now, instead of speculating about how a contemporary
reader may or may not have understood John 1:1c, let us consider what may be
viewed as actual evidence of early reader response to the Gospel of John. The
second-century philosopher Justin Martyr had a Gentile background and became a
Christian, as he tells us in Dial. 3–7. In 1 Apol. 63.15
he speaks in words reminiscent of John 1:1 and Col 1:15 about the Father and
about the Son:
ὃς Λόγος καὶ πρωτότοκος ὢν τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ θεὸς ὑπάρχει.
who, being the Word and firstborn of the God, is
also theos.
Within the participle construction the
predicates Λόγος and πρωτότοκος are without a doubt
definite: the Son is not “a Word” and “a firstborn” of “the God”. The only
reason these predicate nouns miss their articles is that they precede the
copular participle ὤν. In the clause itself the
predicate θεός also precedes its own copular verb (ὑπάρχει = ἐστίν),
which makes the use of the anarthrous θεός similar to the instance in
John 1:1c. However, different from Λόγος and πρωτότοκος, the
pre-verbal predicate θεός cannot be interpreted as definite (“the
God”), as Justin has previously argued that those who say that the Son is the
Father do not know the Father. So within this context θεός must be
qualitative, but is it an abstract or material noun (“God-ness”, “Deity”) or is
it a generic noun (“a god”, “a deity”)? We can infer the answer to this
question from passages elsewhere. In Dial. 56.4 Justin argues:
ὅτι ἐστὶ καὶ λέγεται θεὸς καὶ κύριος ἕτερος ὑπὸ τὸν ποιητὴν
τῶν ὅλων.
that there is and is said to be another god and lord
under the maker of the universe.
Similarly, in Dial. 61.3 Justin refers
to the Word:
αὐτὸς ὢν οὗτος ὁ θεὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς τῶν ὅλων γεννηθείς.
this god himself being begotten of the Father of the
universe.
It is evident that Justin treats θεός in both
cases as a generic noun, so that we may conclude that his use of the anarthrous
predicate θεός in reference to the Word in 1 Apol. 63.15
and other instances is no different from classical Greek. It must here too
be translated as “a god”, as it is clear that Justin views the Word as another
god. (Cf. Dial. 56.11; 75.4; 128.1) However, this does not change
the fact that Justin was a monotheist. “One must worship only God”, he writes
in 1 Apol. 16.6 (τὸν θεὸν µόνον δεῖ προσκυνεῖν), and at the same
time he does not regard “this god begotten of the Father” as competing in
worship with God the Father. Rather, in 2 Apol. 13.4 he
states:
τὸν γὰρ ἀπὸ ἀγεννήτου καὶ ἀρρήτου θεοῦ Λόγον µετὰ τὸν θεὸν
προσκυνοῦµεν καὶ ἀγαπῶµεν.
for we worship and love the Word, sprung from the unborn
and unspoken God, after the God.
Justin’s reception of John’s prologue can of course
not be used to prove or disprove how John meant 1:1c to be read, but it is
valid to say that in his reading of John’s prologue, or at least in his
phrasing similar to John’s, the second-century Christian philosopher evidently
understood θεός in reference to the Word as the generic noun it
naturally is. So, if a monotheistic intellectual saw the Word as “a god” just
decades after John’s Gospel was written, the question that deserves further
consideration is whether the Gospel writer himself would find this
interpretation an infringement of his own monotheism. (Alexander Smarius, “Another God
in the Gospel of John? A Linguistic Analysis of John 1:1 and 1:18,” Horizons
in Biblical Theology 44 [2022]: 155-56)
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In a recent article by Mike Thomas, “Mormon Restoration, Christian Reformation?” (November 25, 2024), we have a perfect example of the “word-concept” fallacy.
What is the “word-concept”
fallacy? As
one source puts it:
In a nutshell, the word-concept fallacy is the exegetical
mistake of assuming that a concept is present in a text only when particular
words are also present. Essentially this fallacy equates concepts with
particular words, when in fact they are much broader.
Protestants are guilty of committing
this fallacy with great frequency. One example is the appeal to some patristic
authors who used the term “faith alone” as evidence of the Protestant understanding
of Sola Fide. However, there are two major issues. Firstly, none of the
patristics (or, in the case of Aquinas [!], medieval-era authors) used “faith
alone” in the way that historical Protestantism uses the term. As Eastern
Orthodox apologist Perry Robinson pointed out in a useful chart, the following
are the core concepts of the Protestant understanding of “faith alone”; none of
the cited authors (e.g., Ambrosiaster) used it in the same way:
Sola Fide "Checklist" (taken from Perry Robinson [EO])
Defining Sola Fide
Created Righteousness
Faith an empty/worthless virtue
Instrumental extrinsic cause
Conduit of Justification
Forensic/Taxonomic Reclassification (Nominalist)
Transfer of Created Merit
Separation of Activities
Zero Sum
Quantitative
No Merit simpliciter
The above comes from his lengthy (5 hours!) refutation of Anthony Rogers (Reformed):
AN ORTHODOX RESPONSE TO ANTHONY ROGERS: THE CHURCH FATHERS AND SOLA FIDE
Another death-blow to this apologetic is that sola fide is used approvingly by an important fourt/fifth-century figure. I know many Protestants are thinking "Augustine," but no, Augustine who believed in transformative justification, sacramentalism, baptismal regeneration, sacerdotal priesthood, and other doctrines antithetical to your theology was not a Proto-Protestant in this respect (no matter how many times James White et al., repeat B. B. Warfield's naive claim the Reformation was the victory of Augustine's doctrine of grace over his ecclesiology). Nope, it was none other than Pelagius. Consider the following examples. Note that English text used is Pelagius, Commentaries on the Thirteen Epistles of Paul with the Libellus Fidei (trans. Thomas P. Scheck; Ancient Christian Writers 76; New York: The Newman Press, 2022), hereafter “Scheck” while the Latin text consulted is Alexander Souter, Pelagius's Exposition of Thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, II: Text and Apparatus Criticus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1926), hereafter “Souter”:
Rom 3:28
Some people misuse this passage for the abolition of works of justice. They assert that faith alone can be sufficient [for the baptized] (Abutuntur quidam hoc loco ad destructionem operum iustitiae, solam fidem [baptizato]) . . . He did not mean without the works of justice, about which blessed James says, “Faith without works is dead” [Jas 2:26]. But here he is speaking about the one who is coming to Christ and is saved by faith alone, as soon as he believes. But by adding works of the law, he shows that there is also a work of grace [which the baptized ought to undertake] (addendo autem 'operibus legis,' ostendit esse et[iam] gratiae opera[m] [quae debent facere baptizati]). (Scheck, 64; Souter, 34)
Rom 5:1
For Abraham was the first to be justified by faith alone (ex sola primum fide iustifactus est). (Scheck, 69; Souter, 41)
Wiles, Divine Apostle, 112n7, notes that Pelagius frequently uses the words “faith alone” without any qualification (cf. Rom 11:25; 2 Cor 5:19; Gal 1:3, 12; 2:2, 14, 17, 20; 3:5, 6, 14, 22, 26; 5:11; 6:16; Eph 2:8, 16; 3:11; Phil 3:3, 9; 4:11). But it is clear from his more detailed statements that he regards it as a first step which is of no value apart from the subsequent works” (cf. Rom 3:28; 4:5; 1 Cor 9:21; Gal 3:10). (Scheck, 378-79 n. 44)
Gal 2:20
In faith alone, since I owe nothing to the law (In sola fide, quia nihil debeo legi). (Scheck, 232; Souter, 317)
Gal 5:24
“But they that are Christ’s have crucified their flesh with its passions and desires.” If all vices have been simultaneously crucified, and the flesh does not lust, as if it were hanging on the tree, what is the law to us, which he was given to hold the vices in check? At the same time the following should be noted, that he said that they are Christ’s who have crucified the flesh with the vices and lusts. This contradicts those who think that faith alone suffices for salvation (hoc cotra illos qui solam fidem sufficere arbitrantur). (Scheck, 243; Souter, 338)
At the beginning of the fifth century, there existed in the Western church a number of errors that presented salvation as more or less independent of good works. Pelagius does not specifically identify the source of these errors, but we learn from Augustine as well as that they affected the Christian faithful. Thus, in spite of Pelagius’s remarkable and sustained insistence that justification is by faith alone, he nevertheless balances this view with the repeated affirmation that salvation is not by faith alone! (Scheck, 399 n. 46, emphasis added)
Eph 2:8-10
2:8 “for by grace you are saved through faith, and that not of yourselves.” Not by the merits of one’s former life, but by faith alone (sed sola fide), yet not without faith. “But it is the gift of God, 2:9 not of works, [that] no one would boast.” [Boast] that he had received anything in baptism by his own merits (Se suis meritis aliquit in baptismo accepisse). 2:10 “For we are his workmanship, created in Christ [Jesus] in good works, which God prepared that we should walk in them.” For we were recently reborn in Christ [cf. John 3:3, 5], in order that we should walk in good works, which have been shown in the gospel [cf. Matt 5:16] (Qu[i]a nuper sumus in Christo renati, ut in bonis operibus ambulemus, quae in euangelio sunt ostensa). (Scheck, 252; Souter, 353)
So, with the definition of the "word-concept" fallacy and a demonstration from pop-level Protestant apologetics now taken care of, let us address how Mike Thomas is guilty of the word-concept fallacy in his article.
Commenting on the status of the 26-volume Journal of Discourses and its status in the Church, Thomas wrote:
The Journal of Discourses is a good example of what
happens as a cult claiming exclusive authority to speak for God grows and comes
under closer scrutiny. The Journal was endorsed by a ‘prophet,’ Brigham Young,
who claimed all his sermons were as good as Scripture. The preface to the
eighth volume reads, in part:
‘The Journal of Discourses deservedly ranks as one of the
standard works of the Church, and every rightminded Saint will certainly
welcome with joy every number (issue) as it comes forth.’(George Q. Cannon,
Quorum of the Twelve Apostles)
With this endorsement in mind, the publishers can, in the
eighth volume, confidently claim for the work the status of Standard Works.
Standard Works is code in the Mormon Church for Scripture. Clearly, in the
early church, the Journal was considered an example of an open canon,
containing what we might reasonably expect it to contain, the words of the
prophets.
Again, this only shows that Mike Thomas lacks intellectual honesty and integrity (cf. Listing of articles refuting Mike Thomas of Reachout Trust). How so? It would not have taken too long to see how the phrase "Standard Work(s)" was used by 19th-century Latter-day Saints. While "Standard Work" today is generally one-to-one equivalent to the Scriptures for Latter-day Saints, it had a much wider definition in the 19th-century.
And it came to pass that they took Alma and Amulek, and
carried them forth to the place of martyrdom, that they might witness the
destruction of those who were consumed by fire. (Alma 14:9)
Here in the Book of Mormon,”
place” is coupled with “martyrdom.” Interestingly, if one studies the Hebrew
for “place” (מקום) it has both cultic/temple undertones as well as those of
death itself. This indicates there is a potential wordplay here. Consider the
following entries from TDOT:
Poetic and prayer-texts frequently use similar
constructions from other roots either instead of or in addition to māqôm: on the one hand māqôm with qdš (Ezr. 9:8; Ps. 24:3; Isa. 60:13; Jer. 17:12), and on the other māʿôn with qdš (Dt. 26:15; 2 Ch. 30:27; Ps. 68:6[5]; Jer. 25:30; Zec.
2:17[13]), māḵōn with qdš (Dnl. 8:11); next to māqôm with yšb (1 K. 8:30; 2 Ch. 6:21) we find māḵôn with yšb (1 K.
8:13, 39, 43, 49 par. 2 Ch. 6:2, 30, 33, 39; Ps. 33:14); on the one hand meqôm kisʾî (Ezk. 43:7), on
the other meḵôn kisʾeḵā
(Ps. 89:15[14]), kisʾô (Ps. 97:2); as
an utterance of God: ʾel-meqômî
(Hos. 5:15), though also bimḵônî
(Isa. 18:4); the location of the temple is called māqôm (Jer. 17:12) and māḵôn
(Ezr. 2:68); cf. Ps. 26:8: YHWH ʾāhaḇtî meʿôn
bêṯeḵā ûmeqôm miškan keḇôḏeḵā. One and the same
psalm, in speaking of the creation (ysd)
of the cosmos, uses māqôm and māḵôn (Ps. 104:8, 5). Such alternation
is a stylistic device occurring with particular animation in connection with
the sanctuary in Jerusalem (see below). In Isa. 45:19 the construct state bimeqôm is hardly saying
anything different or more than the nomen
rectum ʾereṣ ḥōšeḵ alone (Job 10:21), and at most is emphasizing the
element of unworthiness: “in a dark corner of the world.”(J. Gamberoni and
Helmer Ringgren, “מָקוֹם,” Theological
Dictionary of the Old Testament,
ed. G. Johannes Botterweck and Heinz-Josef Fabry, 17 vols. [Grand
Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1997], 8:535)
The
Grave. In Eccl. 8:10 the expression meqôm (māqôm?) qāḏōš refers perhaps to a burial place.
Given the context, a reference to an extensive burial place in Ezk. 39:11
(11–16) (meqôm šēm instead
of meqôm šām?) is no less
probable than other attempts at explanation. According to Jer. 7:32; 19:11,
people will be buried in the abhorrent (Jer. 19:6, 12, 13; also 2 K. 23:10)
Topheth because the appropriate burial place is not large enough (cf. Ex.
14:11).(Ibid., 536-37)
Consider also HALOT:
—6. מָ׳ sacred site )Arb.
maqām(:
said of God: מְקוֹמִי Hos 515 Jr 712,
מְקוֹמוֹ Is 2621 Mi 13,
הַמָקוֹם הַזֶּה
= Jerusalem 1K 830 2K 2216 Jr 73
193; שְׁכֶם מְ׳ Gn 126; הַמָּקוֹם the )sacred( place Gn 223f 2811.19,
pl. 1S 716, )pagan( Dt
122; יהוה שֵׁם מְ׳ Is 187; הַמָּ׳, which Yahweh chooses Dt 125
1423.25 1K 829; מִקְדָּשִׁי מְ׳ Is 6013, קָדְשׁוֹ מְ׳ Ps 243 Ezr
98, מָ׳
קָדֹשׁ; Ex 2931 Lv 69.19f;
הַקֹּדֶשׁ מְ׳ 1413; כָּסִפְיָה הַמָּ׳ Ezr 817 )Rudolph 83(; קָדוֹשׁ מְ׳ Qoh 810 )rd. (מָ׳ the temple )Hertzberg 173f( or necropolis )as in Egypt, Galling HAT 18:81 :: 182:111( or burial site )Dahood Biblica 43:360(; אַחֵר מִמָּ׳ Est 414 =
from God )MHeb.
הַמָּ׳
= God, Bousset-G. 5193 :: Bardtke 332f(;
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