Thursday, May 15, 2025

Jennifer L. Woodruff Tait on Adam Clarke, 19th-century Methodist Eucharistic Debates, and "Pure Wine" Being a Reference to Grape Juice

  

Several prominent statements of Eucharistic doctrines helped form Methodist temperance exegesis, beginning with British Methodist Adam Clarke (1762-1832). His treatise on the Lord's Supper existed in an American edition from 1812 and was reprinted by the MEC in 1842. Clarke certainly claimed the supper was a memorial, but that was not all. He also argued that it represented a sacrifice, especially through its connection to the Jewish Passover, and should be approached in a sacrificial spirit-though he took pains to distinguish himself from Catholic theology on this subject: "Though I am far from supposing that the holy Eucharist is itself a sacrifice, which is a most gross error in the Romish Church, yet I am as fully convinced that it can never be Scripturally and effectually celebrated by any but those who consider it as representing a sacrifice, even that of the life of our blessed Lord, the only available sacrifice for sin." The word "sacrament," drawn from a Roman term for a solemn oath, emphasized the covenant nature of the undertaking. As the very term "Holy Communion" indicated, the sacrament also functioned as real communion with both Christ and with other believers.

 

Clarke attacked the doctrine of transubstantiation on the crucial grounds that it made no common sense; thus holding it signified ignorance and superstition. He defended early English Protestants on this count. Using their common sense in defiance of Catholic superstition, they were persecuted for believing "as Jesus Christ had taught them" and refusing "to prefer the ignorance of man to the wisdom and authority of God." Significantly, they had learned this true doctrine through the agency of their own sense perceptions: "They would not, because they could not believe, that a little flour and water kneaded together, and baked in the oven, were the body and blood of the Savior of the world." The change via transubstantiation of bread and wine into Christ's actual body and blood was imperceptible by the senses, and therefore impossible: "Can any man of sense believe, that when Christ took up that bread and broke it, that it was his own body which he held in his own hands, and which himself broke to pieces, and which he and his disciples eat?" He compared the elements to sculpture to point up the nonsense in this: "Would not any person, of plain common sense, see as great a difference between the man Jesus Christ, and a piece of bread, as between the block of marble and the philosopher it represented?" Thus Catholics were absurdly (and unbiblically) worshipping a physical object and putting "the signifier in the place of the thing signified." Things seen in the natural world could represent and convey God's spiritual truth, but they could not themselves become that truth. For Clarke, Christ's grace came to believers through the agency of their sense perceptions during the whole Eucharistic service. He ordered clergy to let "not only the elements, but the whole apparatus, and even the mode of administering, be such as shall meet and please all the senses, and through their medium affect and edify the soul."

 

Although he had harsh words for any Christians who believed the Eucharist was only to be "spiritually understood" and not commemorated in "rite" or "form," Clarke argued that its most important aspect was not the grace it contained but the doctrine it proved. Its persistent observation through the centuries presented physical proof of the truth of Christianity. That proof, like the action of the elements themselves, was defined in common-sense fashion. Clarke quoted British theologian and apologist Charles Leslie as to what made a "matter of fact" incontestable: that it "be such as men's sense, their eyes and ears may be judges of," that it be done publicly, and that monuments and observances of it persist through the ages. By these canons, the Eucharist served as "an incontestable proof" of Christianity's authenticity.

 

Because Clarke thought the Eucharist was a representation of spiritual truth, he desired suitable natural means for the occasion: "It is of vast importance that the symbols of this sacrifice speak, as much as possible, to the heart through the medium of the senses." Thus the bread and wine should be of the best quality, for "if man's senses be either insulted or tortured by what is recommended to him as a means of salvation, is it likely that his mind will so co-operate with the ordinance, as to derive spiritual good from it?” in Clarke’s epistemology, sense perceptions were translated into spiritual effects. Clarke did not try to exclude every drop of alcohol (he was both too British and too early). But he did believe that the “fruit of the vine” referred to by Jesus was most sensibly the fresh- pressed juice of the grape, not “that medicated and sophisticated beverage which now goes under that name.” His main concern was that the wine should be pure, not drugged or adulterated, for “in many places a vile compound, wickedly denominated wine, not the offspring of the vine, but of the alder, gooseberry, or currant- tree, and not infrequently the issue of the sweepings of a grocer’s shop, is substituted for wine in the sacrament of the lord’s supper!” The general Conference noted this concern in 1860, when it began its journey toward grape juice by recommending “pure” wine for the sacrament. (Jennifer L. Woodruff Tait, The Poisoned Chalice: Eucharistic Grape Juice and Common-Sense Realism in Victorian Methodism [Tuscaloosa, Ala.: The University of Alabama Press, 2011], 97-99)

 

 

Elsewhere, when discussing “wine” in antiquity, Adam Clarke wrote:

 

Wine, anciently the expressed juice of the grape, without fermentation, Gen. 40:11. Method adopted by the inhabitants of the East in cooling their wines, Prov. 25:13. How the ancients preserved their wine, Song 2:4. The wines of Egypt, according to Hasselquist, not the produce of its own vineyards, Isa. 5:2. Account of the mixed wine of the ancient Greeks and Romans, Isa. 1:22. Observations on the mode of the treatment of wines, Isa. 25:6. (Adam Clarke, The Holy Bible with a Commentary and Critical Notes, New Edition, 6 vols. [Bellingham, Was.: Faithlife Corporation, 2014], 4:864)

 

 

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Jesus vs. the Regulative Principle of Worship

According to The Lexham Bible Dictionary, the festival of Hanukkah is

 

The eight-day Feast of Dedication or Feast of Lights celebrating the reconsecration of the temple in Jerusalem (165 or 164 BC). Hanukkah is the only major Jewish festival that does not originate in the Hebrew Bible. It commemorates an event described outside the Bible, but outlined extensively in 1 and 2 Maccabees. (“Hanukkah,” in The Lexham Bible Dictionary, ed. John D. Barry et al. [Bellingham, Wash.: Lexham Press, 2016], Logos Bible Software edition)

 

According to Raymond E. Brown, this festival

 

was a feast celebrating the Maccabean victories. For three years, 167–164 b.c., the Syrians had profaned the Temple by erecting the idol of Baal Shamem (the oriental version of Olympian Zeus) on the altar of holocausts (1 Macc 1:54; 2 Macc 6:1–7). This pollution of the holy place by the “abominable desolation” (Dan 9:27; Matt 24:15) came to an end when Judas Maccabeus drove out the Syrians, built a new altar, and rededicated the Temple on the twenty-fifth of Chislev (1 Macc 4:41–61). The feast of Dedication was the annual celebration of the reconsecration of the altar and Temple. (Raymond E. Brown, The Gospel According to John (I-XII): Introduction, Translation, and Notes [AYB 29; New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008], 402)

 

The relevant texts from 1-2 Maccabees are 1 Maccabees 4:36-59, which

 

states that Judah Maccabee, after defeating Lysias, entered Jerusalem and purified the Temple. The altar that had been defiled was demolished and a new one was built. Judah then made new holy vessels (among them a candelabrum, an altar for incense, a table, and curtains) and set the 25th of Kislev as the date for the rededication of the Temple. The day coincided with the third anniversary of the proclamation of the restrictive edicts of Antiochus Epiphanes in which he had decreed that idolatrous sacrifices should be offered on a platform erected upon the altar. The altar was to be consecrated with the renewal of the daily sacrificial service, accompanied by song, the playing of musical instruments, the chanting of *Hallel, and the offering of sacrifices (no mention of any special festival customs is made). The celebrations lasted for eight days and Judah decreed that they be designated as days of rejoicing for future generations. Ḥanukkah, as the festival that commemorates the dedication of the altar, is also mentioned in the scholium of *Megillat Ta’anit, as well as in the traditional *Al ha-Nissim (“We thank Thee for the miracles”) prayer for Ḥanukkah.

 

In II Maccabees (1:8; 10:1-5), the main aspects of Ḥanukkah are related as in I Maccabees. The book adds, however, that the eight-day dedication ceremony was performed on an analogy with *Solomon’s consecration of the Temple (2:12). The eight days were celebrated with gladness like the Feast of Tabernacles remembering how, not long before, during the Feast of Tabernacles, they had been wandering like wild beasts in the mountains and the caves. So, bearing wands wreathed with leaves and fair boughs and palms, they offered hymns of praise (10:6-8). Ḥanukkah is, therefore, called *Tabernacles (1:9), or Tabernacles and Fire (1:18). Fire

had descended from heaven at the dedication of the altar in the days of Moses and at the sanctification of the Temple of Solomon; at the consecration of the altar in the time of *Nehemiah there was also a miracle of fire, and so in the days of Judah Maccabee (1:1836, 2:812, 14; 10:3). (Moshe David Herr, “Ḥanukkah,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica, ed. Fred Skolnik and Michael Brenbaum, 22 vols. [2d ed.; Detroit: Thompson Gale, 2007], 8:331)

 

We know that Jesus celebrated the Feast of Dedication or Hanukkah (see John 10:22-23). However, this festival is not found in the Proto-canonical books. So why is this problematic for the Reformed understanding of Sola Scriptura? According to both the Westminster Confession of Faith (21.1) and the London Baptist Confession of Faith (22.1), the "regulative principle of worship" teaches that

 

. . . the acceptable way of worshipping the true God is instituted by himself, and so limited by his own revealed will, that he may not be worshipped according to the imagination and devices of men, nor the suggestions of Satna, under any visible representation, or any other way not prescribed in the Holy Scriptures.

 

In other words, this principle states that

 

. . .the corporate worship of God is to be founded on specific directives of Scripture. Put another way, it states that nothing ought to be introduced into gathered worship unless there is a specific warrant of Scripture. (Derek W. H. Thomas, “The Regulative Principle of Worship,” Tabletalk [December 2022])

 

According to Beeke and Smalley in their Reformed Systematic Theology:

 

The axiom of Reformed worship has come to be known as the regulative principle of worship, an application of the sufficiency of Scripture. . . . The Reformed principle of worship opposes the Roman Catholic principle that the church may base its elements of worship on its authoritative traditions and magisterial decrees, even if they are not founded in the Holy Scriptures. . . . God revealed his regulation of public worship from the beginning. When Cain and Abel brought their offerings to the Lord, he made known his pleasure in Abel’s offering, which included the firstborn of his flock and their fat, but displeasure at Cain’s, which did not (Gen. 4:2-5; cf. Num. 18:17). (Joel R. Beeke and Paul M. Smalley, Reformed Systematic Theology, 4 vols. [Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway, 2024], 4:412, 413, emphasis added)

 

It is clear that Jesus did not hold to the “regulative principle of worship,” which, according to the Reformed understanding of sola scriptura, is “an application of the sufficiency of Scripture.”

 

For more against Sola Scriptura, see, for e.g.:

 

Not By Scripture Alone: A Latter-day Saint Refutation of Sola Scriptura

Wednesday, May 14, 2025

Carol Kern Stockhausen on "Image" in Genesis 1:26

While agreeing with the “dominion” interpretation, proposed by Von Rad for the meaning of “image” in Gen 1:26, Carol Kern Stockhausen argued that

 

. . . physical resemblance to God should not be excluded. Psalm 8:5 stresses the glory (εικων) of man. Ezekiel 28:11-17, usually related to the Priestly Pentateuchal narrative from which the Genesis references are drawn and to the figure of Adam to whom they refer, also stresses to an even greater degree man's beauty. The linguistic data concerning both צלם and εικων indicates that the most basic level of meaning for both terms is physical likeness or resemblance to something else. Given that it is God in whose image Adam was created, we must conclude that Adam resembled God. Since early Semitic thought did not possess the "dual anthropology" which could split man's "bodily" from his "spiritual" nature, we must allow that the presumption of the biblical story originally was that Adam resembled his creator in his whole person— his bodily form, his intellectual and spiritual being and his authority. Speculation about the image as archetype did not occur during the biblical period. Only a hint of it is present in the wisdom literature.  Such speculation blossomed in a later period, however, as we shall see. (Carol Kern Stockhausen, “Moses' Veil and the Glory of the New Covenant: The Exegetical and Theological Substructure of II Corinthians 3:1-4:6” [PhD Dissertation; Marquette University, September 1984], 306-7)

 

 

Further Reading:

 

Lynn Wilder vs. Latter-day Saint (and Biblical) Theology on Divine Embodiment

James B. Ware on the Use of Isaiah 25:8 in 1 Corinthians 15:54

  

“Death has been swallowed up in victory!” Paul quotes Isa 25:8, but the quotation does not follow the MT exactly and is very different from the LXX. But his quotation agrees word for word with Theodotion Isaiah (a Greek translation of Hebrew Isaiah by Theodotion in the late second century AD), suggesting that Paul is here using a Greek translation of Isaiah in agreement with the “proto-Theodotionic” or “Kaige-Theodotion” revision of the LXX (first century BC) first isolated by Dominique Barthélemy. (James P. Ware, The Final Triumph of God: Jesus, the Eyewitnesses, and the Resurrection of the Body in 1 Corinthians 15 [Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2025], 394)

 

 

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Theological Notes in the “Sacrae Theologiae Summa” Series

 The following is a useful resource, and it published in the opening pages of the Sacrae Theologiae Summa series. For example, I am taking this from:

 

Sacrae Theologiae Summa, 4 vols. (3d ed.; trans. Kenneth Baker; Keep the Faith, Inc., 2016), 4B:1

 

In my experience, knowing the different theological notes in Roman Catholicism is useful to judge the “weight” of a doctrine; further, in my experience, many pop-level Roman Catholic apologists are just grossly ignorant of theological notes.

 

Divine faith (de fide divina): what is contained in the word of God written or handed down. The opposite is: an error in faith (error in fide).

 

Divine and catholic faith (defide divina et catholica): what is contained in the word of God written or handed and is proposed by the Church either by a solemn judgment or by the ordinary and universal Magisterium to be believed as divinely revealed. The opposite is: heresy.

 

Defined divine and catholic faith (de fide divina et catholica definita): what is contained in the word of God written or handed down and is proposed by the Church by a solemn judgment, that is, by the infallible Magisterium, exercised in an extraordinary way, either in an ecumenical council or by the Roman Pontiff speaking “ex cathedra” and to be believed as divinely revealed. [N.B. Even the Chapter Titles in Trent and Vatican I are considered as true definitions.]

 

Proximate to faith (fidei proximo)', a truth that by an almost unanimous agreement of theologians is contained in the word of God written or handed down. The opposite

is: proximate to error or heresy.

 

Faith based on the authority of the Church (fides ecclesiastica): a truth not formally revealed, which is proposed infallibly by the Magisterium of the Church. The opposite is: error in ecclesiastical faith. [Those who do not admit there is such a thing as ecclesiastical faith give a different theological note for such a truth.]

 

Catholic doctrine (doctrina catholica): a truth that is taught in the whole Church, but not always proposed infallibly (for example, what the Roman Pontiffs wish to teach explicitly in encyclical letters). The opposite is: error in catholic doctrine.

 

Theologically certain (theologice certa): a truth that in the theological schools is certainly recognized as necessarily connected with revealed truths; this connection can be either virtual or presupposition or final. The opposite is: error in theology.

 

A doctrine to be so held that its contrary is temerarious (doctrina ita tenenda, ut con- traria sit temeraria): a truth proposed by the Roman Congregations, which proposition however does not enjoy the special approbation of the Roman Pontiff.

 

Common and certain in theology (communis et certa in theologia): what by the common agreement of theologians is taught in the schools as well founded. The opposite is: false in theology, temerarious.

 

Probable (probabilis)'. a theological opinion with a lesser grade of certainty.

 

Francis A. P. Sola, S. J. in the Sacrae Theologiae Summa on Polygamy in the Old Testament

  

224. Scholium. 1. Polygamy in the O.T. Christ the Lord in order to restore the dignity of marriage appeals to the divine decree given to Adam: Have you not read that he who made them from the beginning made them male and female, and said: For this reason a man shall leave his father and mother and be joined to his wife, and the two shall become one (Matt. 19:4f.). There it is to be noted that Christ places in the mouth of God what Gen. 2:24 places in the mouth of Adam, and therefore that the unity of marriage is a matter of positive divine precept from the beginning. Thus the holy Fathers and exegetes generally admit that monogamy flourished up until the time of the flood. This is clear from the rebuke of Lamech: “Lamech, a bloody murderer, was the first to divide the one flesh into two: the same punishment of the flood destroyed fratricide and digamy.”

 

 

But it is admitted that even after the flood polygamy was practiced. This could take place either from the positive permission of God, or from the necessity of increasing the human race, at the time so small and almost extinct; because of this, men could think that polygamy was permitted (as, for example, the daughters of Lot who committed a major crime from their good intention, thinking that besides themselves and their father there were now no more human beings after the destruction of Sodom). But afterwards, by reason of custom, it became a law.

 

Some exegetes (See V. Heylen, Tractatus de Matrimonio (1945) 307-308) see at least a hint for the permission of polygamy in Gen. 21:12, when God said to Abraham: Whatever Sarah says to you, do as she tells you. However, in this place Sarah is urging Abraham to send Ishmael away from home. But perhaps it could be supposed that God said something similar to Abraham when Sarah spoke to him about a marriage with Hagar: Behold now, the Lord has prevented me from bearing children; go in to my maid; it may be that I shall obtain children by her. And Abram hearkened to the voice of Sarah... and she took Hagar the Egyptian, her maid, and gave her to Abram her husband as a wife (Gen. 16:2-3). Actually, from the narration it seems that Abraham either had permission from God and then acquiesced to the pleas of Sarah, or polygamy was so frequent that it was not thought in any way to be evil. And if we look at Abraham’s ancestors, even after the flood, it is not certain that they were polygamous; he is presented as the first one to engage in polygamy. Since, therefore, he seems so diligent and upright in what pertains to his sons (as is clear from Gen. 21:12, where he does not want to give in to Sarah urging him to send Ishmael away; and he does not do it except when God commands him to do what Sarah says); it is very probable that Abraham would not have accepted a wife before Hagar unless he had obtained permission from God to do it. But if this dispensation of God in this place cannot be proved, certainly the silence of God in this case, especially given the promise already made to

 

Abraham, about a son of Abraham from Sarah (Gen. 15:4-6), is a sign of the divine permission concerning Abraham’s polygamy.

 

225. Whatever may be the case concerning the time or age in which God permitted polygamy in the Israelite people, this fact is certain from the words of Christ: For your hardness of heart Moses allowed you to divorce your wives (Matt. 19:8). But this dispensation because of the hardness of heart shows sufficiently that God tolerated something as a lesser evil which de facto was not opposed to the primary end of marriage, lest the Israelites, when they saw a heavy burden placed on them, abandon the true God and so embrace false gods. For this reason God allowed them to retain the customs of other peoples, which primarily and per se are not opposed to the divine and natural law or to religion. However he wanted to counsel the primary end of marriage, and, so that it might be integral, also the secondary ends; for this reason Moses laid down many laws concerning marriage and polygamy. But that the words of Christ concern directly the indissolubility of marriage does not prevent them from also being applied to its unity; for, the quoted words of God certainly apply to both of them. (Francis A. P. Sola, “On Holy Orders and Matrimony,” in Sacrae Theologiae Summa, 4 vols. [3d ed.; trans. Kenneth Baker; Keep the Faith, Inc., 2016], 4B:207-8)

 

C. Marvin Pate on γυμνος (naked), Genesis 3:7, and Paul's Teaching in 2 Corinthians 5:3-4

  

γυμνος and Gen 3:7

 

In this section, I will argue that the nakedness that Paul desires to avoid (2 Cor 5:3, 4) proceeds from his belief that Adam, originally clothed with divine glory, was divested of that covering because of his sin. In other words, Paul does not want to experience Adam’s nakedness. This belief is paralleled in the Judaism of Paul’s day and it appears to be based upon the Genesis story. The reader will remember a number of Jewish texts surrounding Paul’s day which describe Adam’s original glory in terms of a garment, “clothing” of which he was divested because of his sin 3 Bar 6:16; 2 Enoch 22:8 and 30:12; Gen R XX, 12. The idea that Adam’s sin deprived him of his glorious garment thus leading him naked is especially clear in Apoc Mos 20:1, where Adam exclaims to the serpent:

 

. . . and in that very house my eyes were opened, and I know that I was naked of the righteousness with which I had been clothed, and I wept because you have deprived me of the glory with which I was clothed.

 

This concept of sin depriving Adam of his glorious garment is a close parallel, I suggest, to Paul’s statement in 2 Cor 5:3-4. The preceding Jewish texts, and 2 Cor 5:3-4, are probably rooted in Gen 3.

 

γυμνος, an uncommon word in Paul, occurs only four times in the writings: 1 Cor 15:37; 2 Cor 11:27; Rom 8:35 and here in 2 Cor 5:3. Paul’s employment of the term outside 2 Cor 5:3 is easily defined. 2 Cor 11:27 and Rom 8:35 refer to the literal nakedness of clothing that results from personal assault and hardship while 1 Cor 15:37 refers to the naked, undeveloped seed that is planed into the ground (with reference, be it noted, to the resurrection body initiated by the Last Adam). The term in 2 Cor 5:3, however, in addition to the literal meaning, seems to convey a metaphorical nuance—Paul fears that he may be found bodiless. In a search for the background of γυμνος, the LXX appears to be the most logical source of Paul’s usage of the term, especially Gen 2:25; 3:8, 10, 12. These last texts occur in connection with the Adam/Eve material and because γυμνος is used there of primordial existence, it apparently became paradigmatic in the other thirty usages of the term in the LXX to describe the nakedness of Israel, the shameful and the helpless. It does not seem insignificant that this key word in the Genesis texts is the same term used by Paul in 2 Cor 5:3. IT is, in all probability, a key word linking 2 Cor 5:3-4 to Gen 2-3.

 

If the Adam story does indeed lie behind Paul’s term γυμνος, it would shed considerable light upon 2 Cor 5:3, 4. Although the term has sometimes been interpreted ethically (Paul fears being found naked of righteousness on the judgement day) it most probably should be interpreted anthropologically (Paul does not want to die before the parousia for then he would experience bodiless existence in the intermediate state). In other words, Paul wants to be clothed with the glorious, heavenly body in this life without having to enter the intermediate state at death, naked of that habitation. Such lack of glory is the consequence of Adam’s fall. This statement assumes, of course, that even the intermediate state belongs to the “not yet” side of Paul’s eschatology. . . . I suggest that the idea that Adam was rendered naked of the divine glory that covered his body, which is described in Gen 3:7, etc. and attested in other Jewish works previously discussed, informs Paul’s term, γυμνος. (C. Marvin Pate, Adam Christology As the Exegetical And Theological Substructure of 2 Corinthians 4:7-5:21 [Lenham, Ma.: University Press of America, Inc., 1991], 115-16)

 

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