Monday, February 23, 2026

Brant A. Gardner on Why Nephi Begins with Isaiah Chapter 2, not Chapter 1

  

Why does Nephi start with Isaiah 2? Nephi copies so much of Isaiah that it is logical to ask why he didn’t start at the beginning, with Isaiah 1 of the received text. I see two possible reasons. First, Nephi’s copy of the Isaiah texts may not have started with chapter 1. Victor Ludlow suggests: “Most scholars agree that this chapter is not the first prophecy received by Isaiah, but that it heads his writings because of its profound, clear message.” (Victor L. Ludlow, Isaiah: Prophet, Seer, and Poet [Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1982], 70) Thus, Nephi may have been starting at the beginning, but his text had a different beginnings from ours.

 

The second possible reason is that Isaiah 1 is directed to Isaiah’s contemporaries. IT speaks of the current destruction at the hands of the Assyrians (Isa. 1:709) and calls that population to repentance (Isa. 1:11-20). It may be that, with the focus of that chapter on events over one hundred years prior, even if it were first on the plates, it may not have been deemed relevant. Chapter 2 of Isaiah, however, begins with a vision of the future of Jerusalem, and Nephi sees his people following the social path that Isaiah outlines for that future Jerusalem. (Brant A. Gardner, Second Witness: Analytical and Contextual Commentary on the Book of Mormon, 6 vols. [Salt Lake City: Greg Kofford Books, 2007], 2:200)

 

On the originality, or lack thereof, of Isaiah ch. 1, consider the following:

 

In the case of Isaiah 1, the results of a redaction-critical and a final-form reading coincide in a manner which inspires greater confidence that this is the better way to start, and to leave more narrowly historical speculations to the comments on the individual units. The presence of a new heading at 2:1 clearly marks out the whole of ch. 1 as a major section in the book as we now have it. (Against attempts to downplay the importance of 2:1, see the comments ad loc.) At the same time, a rigorous redaction-historical analysis of the growth of the book suggests that 2:1 marks the start of the exilic edition of Isaiah, and that ch. 1 was added later. The presence of probably late material in the chapter is thus no argument against its overall unity, nor does this view preclude the conclusion that some, perhaps much, of the chapter may originally have been written by Isaiah himself. The important point for the commentator is that units of different origin have been assembled here for the first time as a redactional unity, and that they must therefore be interpreted in the light of one another and the whole, not in part or in isolation. There never was a part of ch. 1 less than the whole which preceded ch. 2 as an opening of the book in its supposed ‘original’ form. If, as will be maintained below, there is authentic Isaianic material here, then it will be necessary to speculate from where else in the book it may have been extracted if we wish to recover its possible historical context. (H. G. M. Williamson, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Isaiah 1-27, 3 vols. [London: T&T Clark, 2006], 1:8-9)

 

 

A widely accepted hypothesis about Isaiah 1, first put forward by G. Fohrer, illustrates the complicated and fascinating course of the book’s composition (see Willis for an alternative, but I believe weaker, explanation). Even a superficial reading of Isaiah 1–2 is likely to raise the question why the book seems to start twice, with rather similar ‘titles’ in 1:1 and 2:1. Fohrer suggested that ch. 2 was originally the beginning of an early edition of the book of Isaiah—not necessarily comprising the whole of 2–39 or even 2–12; and that ch. 1 was added subsequently. That is why it needed a fresh heading, since the original beginning of the book now became ch. 2. This clearly implies a scribal redaction of the book, operating at a literary, not an oral, level.

 

On the other hand, Fohrer did not think that the oracles in ch. 1 were themselves the invention of scribes. On the contrary, he thought most of them were authentic oracles of Isaiah. The editors had joined them together in their present order, and prefixed them to an existing ‘book of Isaiah’, but they had not made them up. They were to be seen as a carefully chosen representative selection of Isaiah’s words, arranged not chronologically but thematically, and providing a short digest of the main themes of the rest of the book. (J. Barton, Isaiah 1-39 [London: T&T Clark, 1995], 25)

 

 

The passages attributable to Isaiah that come between 2:6 and 11:9 seem to be arranged throughout on the basis of chronological considerations.

 

By contrast, chap. 1 cannot be included within this framework. Scholars who are of the same mind on little else agree here, and the history of the study of the text supports the fact, that this chapter poses a problem that has to be resolved independently, a view that is supported by the very fact that 2:1 has a new superscription, but also and primarily because, at most, only a few of the individual sections within this chapter can be attributed to Isaiah’s early period of activity. It is thus correct to assume that this chapter at one time formed its own little independent section. Fohrer (Das Buch Jesaja, Vol. 1 [19662] 24) thinks that it “is arranged as a well thought-out composition with a series of observations that proceed to discuss the themes of sinful actions, threatening judgment, possible deliverance, and realization of deliverance.” He and others consider it to be a summary of the message of Isaiah (cf., as well, idem, “Jesaja I als Zusammenfassung der Verkündigung Jesajas,” BZAW 99 [1967] 148–167; J. Vermeylen, “Structure et composition littéraire d’Isaïe I–XXXV,” 2 volumes, diss. Louvain [1972] 36, and Jones, “The Traditio of the Oracles of Isaiah of Jerusalem,” ZAW 67 [1955] 238). But this thesis has its problems. Fohrer himself recognizes that 1:29–31 does not allow itself to fit very conveniently into this framework. Whether it really is intended to be a summary of Isaiah’s message can be questioned on other grounds as well. Though centrally important for Isaiah, there is no warning here against engaging in disastrous political alliances, no summons to trust, and no “messianic” hope. In spite of this, the thesis has observed something of significance. The collection intends to state that there can be a future for Israel and Jerusalem, even though its inhabitants demonstrate no insight and must thus be punished severely, if only its people would now finally draw the necessary conclusions from all that was happening. The two secondary verses, 1:27f., interpreted these observations in their own way. (It is hard to fathom why vv. 28–31, with many raising questions about whether it stems from Isaiah, was inserted here.) It would seem that the chapter presents something like the legacy of Isaiah. It is basically a great appeal to turn back. Isaiah 1:4–9 clearly belongs to the time after Sennacherib departed from Jerusalem, and the short preceding utterance in 1:2f. would have been inserted before vv. 4–9 because it states briefly and clearly why the catastrophe of 701 took place. The succeeding sections, vv. 10–17; 18–20; and 21–28 (indirectly vv. 29–31 as well), all intend to state clearly what would have to take place for Israel still to have a future. Either Isaiah himself, at the very end of his life, or else one of his disciples would have assembled this little collection. It was placed before the two main collections of words from Isaiah, preserved now in 2:6–11:9 and 28:1–31:9 and arranged essentially in a chronological order, so that it could suggest that Israel should reconsider the words that Isaiah spoke in earlier years with reference to the future after 701, in light of the grace that Yahweh had offered the people (see 1:9). In addition to 1:4–9, among the words that have been preserved from Isaiah, there is just one other speech that was clearly uttered after Sennacherib’s withdrawal: 22:1–14. Though impossible to prove, it makes sense that this section was located at one time near 1:4–9 and that the redactor of chaps. 13–23 would have torn it from its original context. That would be a wild guess if one were not forced to conclude that the same redactor extracted other Isaianic passages within chaps. 13–23 from their original context as well. (Hans Wildberger, A Continental Commentary: Isaiah 28-39 [Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002], 537-38)

 

 

Blog Archive