The mythological narratives that
survive reveal a religious consciousness attuned to sacred qualities in all
forms of life. The most striking Algonkian term for godly power was Manitou,
but it is impossible to say whether this word denoted an exalted monotheistic
deity in precontact times. After the whites arrived, Manitou apparently came to
resemble Jehovah as a local counterbalance to Christianity. But before those
changes, Manitou was generally associated with heaven, sky, or the sun, often
with other life rhythms too, a concept conveyed by translating the divine name
as "Great Spirit" or "Master of Breath." In their actual
religious practices, however, the Massachuset and Wampanoag peoples believed in
countless beings, manitowuk, who inhabited the local surroundings and
directed the course of daily affairs. Without distinguishing between natural
objects and the spiritual power within them, the Algonkians treated all aspects
of their world as living personalities. All phenomena were alive, imbued with
intelligence and supernatural force. Divine power was everywhere, and
encounters with spirits had to be expected at every turn. These New England
Indians placed no strong reliance on one god with multiple capacities, nor did
they develop a clearly defined hierarchy of deities who controlled different
spheres of life. Each daily activity and objective had its own sacred aspect.
For the Massachusets, this fragmented but homogeneous view of the world was
more realistic than generalized explanations. The ubiquitous, localized
presence of thousands of manitowuk fit well with a religious behavior that stressed
individual responses to the spirit beings who directed each person’s experiences.
(Henry Warner Bowden, American Indians and Christian Missions: Studies in
Cultural Conflict [Chicago History of American Religion; Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1981], 109-10)
The Cherokees thought of this
world as an island floating in a great body of water—imagery common to many
Indian world-views. The water beetle began creation by bringing mud in typical
earth-diver fashion from beneath the surface to form habitable land. By the
time the Cherokees came to live in the center of their island home, a heavenly
vault had been attached to it by strong cords at each of the four cardinal compass
points. Great spirits— Sun, Moon, Great Thunderer (Kanati), and Corn
(Selu)—lived in the upper world, but they rarely interfered with normal events.
Closer to daily experience, innumerable spirits dwelt in the middle world to
aid people in their daily affairs. Among these benevolent gods were the
Immortals, who lived in towns inside the mountains. Another group, called the
Little People, inhabited groves and caves, but their mischievous personalities
did not endear them to the natives. (Henry Warner Bowden, American Indians
and Christian Missions: Studies in Cultural Conflict [Chicago History of
American Religion; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981], 171-72)
The Native American Church has no
officially authorized body of doctrine and no single system of ideas and
symbols, but some broad generalizations still apply to most church members.
They usually equate God with the Great Spirit, a power widely reverenced as the
ultimate source of being. Jesus often replaces native culture heroes or
guardian spirits to intercede between God and humanity, and He is sometimes
identified with Peyote Woman in the cultus. The members also refer to the Holy
Spirit, but they assign it a vague role, as do most Christian theologies;
occasionally they link the Holy Spirit with peyote as a latter-day incarnation
conveying special sympathy and compassion for Indians. They refer to angels,
too, as messenger spirits and associate them with the traditional compass
points or with the winds from those directions. Thunderbird imagery has also
blended readily with the biblical dove symbol, and crosses, present in many settings,
may stem from either aboriginal or white origins. Crucifixes and rosaries among
peyotists are more obviously due to Catholic influence. Peyote buttons replace
bread and wine in the central ritual, but Native American churchmen remain
within the classical concept of sacrament. Because of such compatibilities,
many participants do not consider peyote religion and membership in another
Christian church to be exclusive or antagonistic. (Henry Warner Bowden, American
Indians and Christian Missions: Studies in Cultural Conflict [Chicago History
of American Religion; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981], 211)
