The influence of 4 Maccabees [unlike 3 Maccabees] upon the early church, by contrast, was substantial and long-lasting. Because
of the possibility that 4 Maccabees was written later than many of the New
Testament documents, it is difficult to speak decisively about “influence” on
the early church in its earliest decades. However, 4 Maccabees certainly
provides comparative material useful for the study of the early church’s
reflection on the significance of the death of Jesus as a “ransom” for others (ἀvτίψυχov,
4 Macc 6:29; 17:21; compare Mark 10:45; see also the related terminology of
ransom and redemption in Rom. 3:24; 1 Tim 2:6; Titus 2:14; 1 Pet 1:19), as an
offering that propitiates the Deity alienated by human sinfulness (ἱλαστήριov,
4 Macc 17:22 and Rom 3:25; compare the images used in Eph 5:2; Heb 9:1–10:18),
and as a source of purification from defilement (especially vis-a-vis the
blood, 4 Macc 6:29; 17:22; Mt 26:28; Rom 3:25; Eph 1:7; Heb 9:12–14; 13:12; 1
Pet 1:2; 1 Jn 1:7; Rev 7:14). In both the case of the martyrs and Jesus, it is
specifically their voluntary “obedience unto death” that makes the death
salvific for others (4 Macc 6:27–28; Phil 2:5– 11; Rom 5:19). Although the text
of 4 Maccabees may not have exercised any direct influence on the church in
this regard, it provides a witness to parallel developments of the significance
of the obedient death of the righteous for the restoration of the relationship
between the people and God (see further S. K. Williams 1975; de Jonge 1988;
1991; van Henten 1993; deSilva 1998:143–145).
The kind of argumentation
found in 4 Maccabees promoting close observance of the Jewish law as the means
by which to master the passions may also reflect the arguments used in the
Torah-observant Gentile mission that opposed Paul’s “Torah-free” mission in the
same region from which 4 Maccabees is thought to have come (between Antioch and
Asia Minor). Barclay (1991) has argued persuasively that the “Judaizers” did
not only present observance of Torah merely in terms of theological necessity,
but also ethical expediency. This, in turn, would explain why Paul must show at
such length in Gal 5:1–6:10 how his Gospel had already provided the solution to
the ethical quandary of the power of the “passions of the flesh” (4 Macc 7:18;
Gal 5:16, 24).
In regard to Hebrews and the
Pastoral Epistles, a stronger case for actual influence, rather than merely
points of contact, can be made (see Staples 1966:220–222; deSilva
1998:146–148). The Pastoral Epistles share with 4 Maccabees the conviction that
“desires,” a subset of the “passions,” impede moral virtue (2 Tim 2:22; 3:6;
Tit 2:12; 3:3; 4 Macc 1:1, 3, 31–32; 2:1–6; 3:2), the elevation of
“self-control” (σωφρoσύvη and cognates, 2 Tim 1:7; Titus 2:5, 6, 12; 4 Macc
1:3, 6, 18, 30–31; 5:23) and “piety” (εὐσέβεια and cognates, 1 Tim 2:2; 4:7–8;
6:3–6, 11; 2 Tim 3:5; Titus 2:12; 4 Macc 5:24, 31; 6:2; 7:16; 9:6, 7, 29, 30;
11:20; 12:14; 13:12, 27; 14:7; 15:1, 3, 14, 17; 16:14, 17, 23; 17:5, 7; 18:3),
the rare word “incontrovertibly” (ὁμoλoγoυμέvως, 1 Tim 3:16; 4 Macc 6:31; 7:16;
16:1), and the designation of the struggle to keep “faith” as a “noble contest”
(1 Tim 6:12; 2 Tim 4:7; 4 Macc 16:16, 22). Against 4 Maccabees, the Pastor
asserts that the distinction between clean and unclean food is meaningless
rather than a God-given expedient for the inculcation of virtue and a suitable
diet (1 Tim 4:3–5; vs. 4 Macc 1:31–35; 5:25–26).
Scholars never fail to
observe that the Maccabean martyrs stand among the exemplars of faith in the
Letter to the Hebrews (Heb 11:35b), referring consistently and correctly to 2
Macc 6:18–7:42 (resurrection is featured in both, but is absent from 4 Maccabees;
the verb used in Heb 11:35 for “torture” recalls specifically the τύμπαvov upon
which Eleazar is executed in 2 Macc 6:19, 28; while “release” from torture is
also prominent in 4 Macc 6:12–23; 9:16, it is not absent from 2 Maccabees, as
in 7:1–2, 7). However, there are numerous connections with the tradition of the
martyrs in 4 Maccabees as well throughout the sermon. Both conceive of πίστις
in terms of faithfulness toward God and fixedness in regard to God’s promises,
and all this specifically within the context of the inviolable obligations of
beneficiaries to their benefactor (4 Macc 16:18–22; Heb 6:4–8, 12; 10:29–31,
39; 11:6; 12:28; 13:17). Hebrews also introduces the categories of “temporary”
(πρόσκαιρov) versus “eternal” (usually in terms of “abiding,” “lasting”)
throughout his discourse (see especially Heb 11:24–27), reflecting the same
antithesis that figures so prominently in the martyrs’ deliberations (4 Macc
13:14–17; 15:2–8, 27).
Pushing beyond conceptual to
verbal parallels, the author of Hebrews calls his audience to enhance their
endurance by looking away to Jesus (διʼ ὑπoμovῆς . . . ἀφoρῶvτες εἰς τòv . . .
ʼIησoῦv, Heb 12:1–2), just as the martyrs had endured by looking away to God (εἰς
θεòv ἀφoρῶvτες . . . ὑπo- μείvαvτες, 4 Macc 17:10). The example of Jesus, “who
endured a cross, despising shame” (ὑπέμειvεv σταύρov αἰσχύvης καταφρovήσας, Heb
12:2), parallels Eleazar’s bold stance as he “endured the pains and scorned the
compulsions” (ὑπέμεvε τoὺς πόvoυς καὶ περιεφρόvει τῆς ἀvάγκης, 4 Macc 6:9). The
apostrophe to the mother in 4 Macc 17:4, in which the author tells her to “hold
the hope of her endurance firm” toward God (τὴv ἐλπίδα τῆς ὑπoμovῆς βεβαίαv ἔχoυσα),
may have left its impression on Heb 3:6, 14, as the author of Hebrews speaks of
the rewards that would follow “if we hold (κατάσχωμεv) the confidence and the
boast of hope (τῆς ἐλπίδoς)” and “if we hold (κατάσχωμεv) the beginning of our
confidence firm (βεβαίαv) to the end.” Both texts promote “unwavering”
commitment in this regard (ἀκλιvή, 4 Macc 17:3; Heb 10:23). And, of course, the
benedictions in Heb 13:21 and 4 Macc 18:24 are almost identical (Staples
1966:221), though this last parallel is the least impressive since it could
easily arise from independent development of a common liturgical formula.
If the stamp of 4 Maccabees
upon the New Testament is debatable, its impression upon early Christian
martyrology stands beyond doubt. The compatibility of the ideology of martyrdom
in 4 Maccabees with early Christianity can be seen from the points of contact
with the ideology of the “witness” in Revelation. In both texts, the μάρτυς
makes a confession of loyalty to God and God’s law, and shows his or her
commitment by dying on behalf of that loyalty (Rev 1:5; 2:13; 6:9; 11:3–12;
12:11; 4 Macc 16:16–23). In both, dying in obedience to God means “conquering”
and “victory” (Rev 2:7, 11, 17, 26; 3:5, 12, 21; 12:11; 15:2; 4 Macc 1:1; 6:10;
7:4; 9:30; 11:20). Both texts elevate the value of “endurance” (ὑπoμovή, Rev
1:9; 2:2, 3, 19; 13:10; 4 Macc 1:11; 7:9; 9:8, 30; 15:30; 17:4, 12, 17, 23),
since this summarizes the path of holding onto the minority culture’s world
view and ethos in the face of the coercive or marginalizing measures of the
dominant culture. Both texts celebrate marginalization and even execution not
as an experience of degradation, but rather as the path to eternal honor. The
witness is crowned as a sign of his or her honor in God’s sight (Rev 2:10; 4
Macc 17:15) and stands honored “before the throne of God” (Rev 7:15; 4 Macc
17:18).
recounts the story of
Polycarp’s martyrdom, it does not come as a surprise to find both drawing on
the language, imagery, and ideology of 4 Maccabees. As bishop of Antioch,
Ignatius was well-located to have heard or read 4 Maccabees, or at least to
have been exposed indirectly to the martyrology contained therein. Ignatius
considers the opportunity to die for his commitment to God an act of God’s
“favor” (Ignatius, Eph 11.1), as the fifth brother had welcomed martyrdom as a
“splendid favor” that Antiochus was unwittingly and unwillingly granting (4
Macc 11:12). Ignatius refers to his death four times as an ἀvτίψυχov (Ignatius
Eph. 21.1; Smyr. 10.2; Poly. 2.3; 6.1; 4 Macc 6:29; 17:21); it is a “new
birth,” and the process of being executed will be the birth pangs (Ignatius,
Rom. 6.1; 4 Macc 15:16; 16:13). Finally, Ignatius invites the torments that
will prove and perfect his discipleship in a manner highly reminiscent of
Eleazar’s challenge to Antiochus in 4 Macc 5:32: “Come fire and cross and
grapplings with wild beasts, wrenching of bones, hacking of limbs, crushings of
my whole body, come cruel tortures of the devil to assail me” (Ignatius, Rom.
5.3).
The Martyrdom of Polycarp,
composed in the mid-second century, also resonates with 4 Maccabees in many
particular details. The proconsul presiding over the trials and executions
addressed Polycarp in a manner that the author recognizes has already become
stereotypical, urging him to “have respect for your age” and saying “other
similar things, as they are accustomed to say” (Mart. Poly. 9). 4 Maccabees
5:11–12 provides the earliest extant expression of this particular convention,
and thus may be one of the earlier accounts that the author has in mind when
referring to the stereotype. Polycarp refuses to comply with the proconsul,
citing the same line of argumentation that one finds among the brothers in 4
Maccabees, who similarly chose to endure a brief season of torment rather than
purchase temporary safety at the cost of eternal punishment for disowning God:
“you threaten with a fire that burns for a short time and then is quenched, but
you are ignorant of the fire of the future judgement and the eternal punishment
kept for the impious” (Mart. Poly. 11; see 4 Macc 9:7–9, 31–32; 10:11;
13:14–15). Martyrdom of Polycarp employs the concept of “witness bearing” as
testimony given through the endurance of sufferings and death in the same sense
as found in 4 Macc 16:16 (see Mart. Poly. 1; 13; 17). As in Ignatius, who
exercised a strong influence upon a younger Polycarp, the martyr’s death is a
new birth (Mart. Poly. 18; 4 Macc. 16:13). In both 4 Maccabees and Martyrdom of
Polycarp, the martyr takes the prize and is crowned with immortality (Mart.
Poly. 17, 20; 4 Macc. 16:28; 17:12, 15).
As martyrdom became a more
pervasive challenge in the early church, one finds increasing attention being
given to 4 Maccabees and to the resources it provides for promoting
perseverance unto death and for speaking in honorific terms about the martyrs’
suffering and death. Origen’s Exhortation to Martyrdom, written to two deacons
in Caesarea during the persecution of Christian clergy by Maximin in 235 C.E.,
draws at length from the story of the Maccabean martyrs in order to encourage
Christians as they continue the contest for faith. It is common for scholars of
Origen to observe that he had 2 Maccabees in mind (Winslow 1974:81; Greer
1979:56), which is certainly true (see Exh. 23, which opens the scene with
details found in 2 Macc 7:1–2, but not 4 Maccabees) but there are sufficient
references to details and images found in 4 Maccabees to suggest that Origen
drew on both texts as he composed his Exhortation. Origen frequently uses the
image of the athletic contest, drawing not only on New Testament texts that
feature this imagery (2 Tim 4:7–8; Heb 12:1–4), but also 4 Maccabees. Origen
consistently uses the term “athlete” (ἀθλητής), and even the phrase “noble
athlete” (γεvvαῖoς ἀθλητής; see 4 Macc 6:10), to describe the martyr as does
the author of 4 Maccabees (6:10; 17:15, 16) but no New Testament author. Origen
describes the seven brothers as “devotees for piety” (εὐσεβείας ἀσκηταί, Exh.
23.23, 27–28; 4 Macc 12:11) and “contestants for virtues,” an echo of 4 Macc
12:14 (τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀγωvισταί). Origen and 4 Maccabees both call attention to the
fact that watching beloved brothers suffer torture and death was part of the
ordeal for each (Exh. 23.1; 4 Macc 13:27). Both observe that it is more prudent
to fear God than to fear mortals (Exh. 4; 4 Macc 13:14– 15; though this could
also be derived directly from Matt 10:28). Finally, Origen specifically
recommends remaining faithful to God to the point of death as the best way in
which to make a fair return to God, who has so greatly benefitted the
individual (Exh. 28), logic that had been made explicit in 4 Maccabees (4 Macc
13:13; 16:18–19).
Influence on Christian
martyrologies continues to be felt into the third and fourth centuries. The
interpretation of persecution and execution for the sake of piety as an
athletic contest in which the martyr wins the prize is seen again in the
Passion of Saints Perpetua and Felicity 10.1–14 in Perpetua’s vision of herself
transformed into a male gladiator doing battle with the adversary (who turns
out to be Satan). In the story of the Martyrs of Lyons, the martyrs are likened
to “noble athletes” who “endured various contests,” were “victorious,” and were
awarded the “crown of incorruptibility” (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 5.1.36; see also
5.1.38, 41, 43; see 4 Macc 17:11–16). Blandina, who received special attention
throughout the narrative, is specifically compared to “a noble athlete”
(Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 5.1.19). Having put on the “invincible athlete, Christ,”
she engaged the demonic “opponent” in various “contests” and was herself
eventually awarded “the crown of incorruptibility” (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 5.1.42).
The image of being born anew in reference to martyrdom also appears in this
narrative in regard to those who had initially denied Christ out of fear but
later confessed him (thus leading to their own deaths; Eusebius, Hist. eccl.
5.1.46). The fact that Blandina is able to take more abuse than her torturers
can dish out, the latter giving up exhausted at the end of the day (Eusebius,
Hist. eccl. 5.1.18), is also reminiscent of the torturers “wearing themselves
out” scourging the first brother in 4 Macc 9:12. (David A. deSilva, 4
Maccabees: Introduction and Commentary on the Greek Text in Codex Sinaiticus
[Septuagint Commentary Series; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2006], xxxii-xxxvi, comment in square brackets added for clarification)
All these observations make
it at least plausible that the author of the Pastorals comes from a comparable
milieu as the author of 4 Maccabees. If we want to see a literary dependence we
will, however, have to go for a relatively late, but not impossibly late date of
the Pastorals in the second quarter of the second century CE. While I am
somewhat hesitant to see 4 Maccabees even behind the previously mentioned
passages in Hebrews 11 there are good chances that 4 Maccabees is used by both
the Martyrdom of Polycarp and some of Ignatius of Antioch’s Epistles.
Michael Theobald mentions the following motifs, which make a use of 4 Maccabees
by Ignatius highly probable: the idea that a martyr’s prayer leads to peace
(Ignatius, Philad. 10:1; Smyrn. 11:2–3; Polyc. 7:2–8:1;
see 4 Macc 18:4) and the interpretation of a martyr’s death as “ransom” using
the rare Greek ἀντίψυχον (Ignatius, Eph. 21:1; Smyrn. 10:2; Polyc.
2:3 and 6:1; 4 Macc 6:29; 17:22). Among later writers who probably make use of
4 Maccabees we may mention Origen whose mart. (see previous discussion)
seems not only be influenced by 2 Maccabees, but also shows motifs resembling 4
Macc, the Passion of Perpetua and Felicitas 10:1–4 or the Martyrdom
of Montanus and Lucius. (Tobias Nicklas, “The Apocrypha in the History of
Early Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of The Apocrypha, ed.
Gerbern S. Oegema [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021], 61)
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