Sunday, March 30, 2025

Henri Crouzel, François Fournier, and Pierre Périchon: Mary, in Origen's Theology, "is not entirely without fault"

  

Marie cependant n'est pas tout à fait sans faute.

 

Origène ne croit pas la Vierge exempte de toute faute : ce n'est d'ailleurs le cas d'aucun spirituel, tant qu'il vit ici-bas. Elle a eu des défaillances sous le rapport de la foi. Certes l'Alexandrin est loin de prétendre, comme Tertullien, qu'elle aurait été reniée par son Fils pour cela ; comment Jésus aurait-il rejeté celle que l'Esprit-Saint avait déclarée bénie entre toutes les femmes ? Ce qu'Origène dit de la sainteté de la Vierge et qui lui fournit la preuve de sa virginité perpétuelle écarte l'idée d'une faute grave.

 

Il semble insinuer dans l'Homélie I sur la Genèse que la question de Marie à l'ange : « Comment cela se fera-t-il, car je ne connais point d'homme? »manifeste une certaine incré- dulité. Dans l'Homélie XX sur Luc, il interprète par une exé- gèse allégorique toute gratuite la redescente de Jésus vers Nazareth en compagnie de ses parents : « Parce que Joseph et Maric n'avaient pas encore une foi entière et ne pouvaient rester en haut avec lui . » Leur Fils les accompagne, de même qu'il ne demeure pas toujours sur la montagne de la Transfiguration, mais qu'il va dans la plaine soigner les malades et éduquer les enfants spirituels, puisque c'est là le sens de son Incarnation. Origène n'a ici comme argument que l'interprétation ordinaire qu'il donne aux montées et aux descentes.

 

Un autre texte présente des raisons théologiquement plus sérieuses, quoique aussi gratuites. Le glaive de douleur qui, selon la prophétie de Siméon, transpercera à la Passion l'âme de Marie, c'est, d'apres l'Homélie XVII sur Luc, celui du doute. Un premier raisonnement, qui est a fortiori, suppose que la Mere du Seigneur n'est pas plus parfaite que les Apôtres : si ces derniers, suivant la parole de Jésus, ont ete scandalises, au point que Pierre lui-même l'a renié trois fois, comment ne l'aurait-elle pas été elle aussi ? Puis un second argument intervient. Selon Paul tous ont peche et ont besoin de rédemption : si elle n'a pas souffert de scan- dale, alors Jesus n'est pas mort pour elle. L'origine de ce doute est facile à comprendre : c'est le contraste entre les révélations merveilleuses qu'elle a eues sur son Fils et l'état où elle le voit. Et ce moment de defaillance sera court. D'après un fragment sur Luc ' la prophétie de Siméon indique à mots couverts « qu'après le scandale que les disciples et Marie souffriront devant la Croix, une guérison rapide interviendra : elle raffermira dans leurs cœurs la foi qu'ils ont en lui ».

 

L'Alexandrin ne se base donc pas sur l'interpretation obvie d'un passage de l'Écriture : rien ne dit que le glaive désigne le doute, et la parole du Christ citée plus haut ne s'adresse qu'aux Apôtres. Le second argument s'appuie sur un point de foi, l'universalité de la Rédemption. Origène ne voit pas comment la concilier avec l'absence de toute faute en Marie, comme dans la suite des temps d'autres grands théologiens la jugeront incompatible avec l'Imma- culée Conception : il ne comprend pas que la Vierge ait pu recevoir ce privilège des mérites de son Fils, et rester ainsi soumise à la Rédemption universelle. (Henri Crouzel, François Fournier, and Pierre Périchon, “Introduction,” in Origène, Homélies Sur S. Luc : Texte Latin Et Fragments Grecs–Introduction, Traduction Et Notes [Sources Chrétiennes 87 ; Latour-Maubourg : Paris, 1962], 55-57)

 

English translation:

 

Mary, however, is not entirely without fault [RB: the French can also mean “sin” and “transgression”].

 

Origen does not believe that the Virgin is free from all error—indeed, no spiritual person is, as long as they live on earth. She experienced shortcomings in matters of faith. Certainly, the Alexandrian is far from claiming, as Tertullian did, that she was renounced by her Son because of this; how could Jesus have rejected the one whom the Holy Spirit had declared blessed among all women? What Origen asserts about the Virgin’s holiness—and which provides him with the proof of her perpetual virginity—dismisses the idea of any grave fault.

 

It appears that in Homily I on Genesis he suggests that Mary’s question to the angel—“How will this be, since I do not know a man?”—reveals a certain incredulity. In Homily XX on Luke, he offers a completely gratuitous allegorical exegesis of Jesus’ descent to Nazareth with his parents: “Because Joseph and Mary had not yet attained a complete faith and could not remain above with him.” Their Son accompanies them, just as he does not remain perpetually on the mountain of the Transfiguration but goes into the plain to heal the sick and instruct spiritual children—since that is the very meaning of his Incarnation. In this passage, Origen relies solely on his conventional interpretation of ascents and descents.

 

Another text presents reasons that are theologically more serious, although also gratuitous. The sword of sorrow that, according to Simeon’s prophecy, will pierce Mary’s soul at the Passion is, according to Homily XVII on Luke, that of doubt. One line of reasoning, which is a fortiori, assumes that the Mother of the Lord is no more perfect than the Apostles: if the latter, following Jesus’ words, were scandalized—so much so that even Peter denied him three times—how could she not have been as well? Then a second argument comes into play. According to Paul, all have sinned and are in need of redemption: if she had not suffered scandal, then Jesus did not die for her. The origin of this doubt is easy to understand: it is the contrast between the marvelous revelations she received about her Son and the state in which she sees him. And this moment of failure will be brief. According to a fragment on Luke, Simeon’s prophecy hints, in veiled words, “that after the scandal which the disciples and Mary will endure before the Cross, a rapid healing will occur: it will strengthen in their hearts the faith they have in him.”

 

The Alexandrian does not therefore rely on the obvious interpretation of a passage of Scripture: nothing indicates that the sword symbolizes doubt, and the aforementioned words of Christ are addressed solely to the Apostles. The second argument is based on a point of faith—the universality of Redemption. Origen cannot see how this can be reconciled with the complete absence of any fault in Mary, as later, other great theologians would judge incompatible with the Immaculate Conception: he does not understand how the Virgin could have received this privilege through the merits of her Son, and yet remain subject to universal Redemption.

 

 

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Francis J. Hall (Anglican) on the Question of the Fate of Those Who Did Not Receive the Gospel in this Life

  

Book VII, Chapter 5, §9

 

What of those who do not receive the Gospel in this life? Finally, there is a question suggested by our Lord’s preaching to the spirits in prison, but how far does our Lord’s death avail to make possible the salvation of those who are not in this life provided the knowledge of redemption and grace? Whatever answer is given to this question we must be in harmony with what is clearly revealed—in particular, (a) that no salvation can be had except through Jesus Christ (John 14:6; Acts 4:12), and on the basis of His death; and (b) that no hope of salvation remains for those who in this life willfully reject the means of salvation when effectively made known to them (John 12:48; cf. Heb. 6:4-6; 10:26-31). The Scriptures are given for the guidance of those who have received the Gospel message, and both their promises and their warnings are determined in form by this fact. They do not, therefore, provide any direct and specific teaching on this subject. The rebuke with which our Lord met St. Peter’s question about St. John’s manner of death (John 21:20-22) implies this, at least: that our own following of Christ is a task of too-absorbing requirements to leave room for useless curiosity about the future of those whose conditions differ from our own. In view of these fundamental facts and truths of Scripture, we are driven to believe that all men will be provided, either in this life or in the next, an opportunity of benefitting by Christ’s death, and that none will be lost except through willful misuse or rejection of such opportunity. But this conclusion is less determinate as to the nature of opportunities and of the benefits made available than is sometimes supposed, and it does not imply probation after death, in the proper sense of that word—that is, a chance to reverse the effects of probation in this world. Probation involves opportunity to form and reveal one’s attitude towards such light and grace as is enjoyed in this life, and every human agent does enjoy some light and grace as is enjoyed in this life, and every human agent does enjoy some light, and presumably some elementary form of prevenient grace. To many, the opportunities are very small, indeed, but all races have conceptions, however, grotesque, of right and wrong, and therefore all have a real probation—a real test of their disposition to respond to moral and spiritual challenges as they understand them. This teaching seems to show that death ends every man’s opportunity to become salvable, and opportunities after death, whatever they may be, seem to be limited in their scope to fuller enlightenment, correction of mistakes, and the growth in grace of those who have already shown moral susceptibility to its saving benefits. In this connection, we have to remember that the Judge is omniscient and all-wise, and He is far more capable of allowing for things that should be allowed for, and of discerning the real bent of souls under all circumstances, than we can imagine. (Francis J. Hall, Anglican Dogmatics, ed. John A. Porter, 2 vols. [Nashotah, Wis.: Nashotah House Press, 2021], 2:2115-17)

 

 

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Was Stephen "Full of Faith" or "Full of Grace" in Acts 6:8?

In the KJV, Acts 6:8 reads:

 

And Stephen, full of faith and power, did great wonders and miracles.

 

Most other translations do not read "full of faith." Instead, they read "full of grace."

 

The reading "full of grace and power" (πληρης χαριτος και δυναμεως) finds support from P8, P45, P74, א, A, B, D, 0175, 22, and 1739. This reading is the best attested, and more than likely reflects the original reading of the verse.

 

The reading, followed by the KJV and NKJV, "full of faith and power" (πληρης πιστεως και δυναμεως) finds support from Maj and syrh.

 

Another variant, found only in E, reads "full of grace and faith and power" (πληρης χαριτος και πιστεως και δυναμεως)

 

A final variant, attested in Ψ, reads "full of faith, grace, Spirit, and power" (πληρης πιστεως χαριτος πνεύματος και δυναμεως).

 

As Comfort noted:

 

The variants are the result of scribal harmonization and expansion. Each of the three variants likely borrowed from 6:5, which speaks of Stephen being full of faith and the Holy Spirit. TR incorporated the first variant, which was then popularized by KJV. (Philip W. Comfort, New Testament Text and Translation Commentary: Commentary on the Variant Readings of the Ancient New Testament Manuscripts and How They Relate to the Major English Translations [New Testament Text & Translation Commentary; Carol Stream, Ill.: Tyndale House Publishers, Inc., 2008], 354)

 

 

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Origen on Luke 1:28 and κεχαρτιωμενη

In his Homily on Luke 6.7, Origen offered the following comments concerning Luke 1:28 and the angel Gabriel’s address to Mary:

 

The angel greeted Mary with a new address, which I could not find anywhere else in Scripture. I ought to explain this expression briefly. The angel says, “Hail, full of grace.” The Greek word is κεχαριτωμένη. I do not remember having read this word elsewhere in Scripture. An expression of this kind, “Hail, full of grace,” is not addressed to a male. This greeting was reserved for Mary alone. Mary knew the Law; she was holy, and had learned the writings of the prophets by meditating on them daily. If Mary had known that someone else had been greeted by words like these, she would never have been frightened by this strange greeting. Hence the angel says to her, “Do not be afraid, Mary! You have found grace in God’s eyes. Behold, you will conceive in your womb. You will bear a son, and you will name him ‘Jesus.’ He will be great, and will be called ‘Son of the Most High.’ ” (Origen, Homilies on Luke and Fragments on Luke [trans. Joseph T. Lienhard; The Fathers of the Church 94; Washington, D. C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2009], 26)

 

Unfortunately, the Greek does not appear to be extant. There is a Latin text, however:

 

Quia vero angelus novo sermone Mariam salutavit, quem in omni Scriptura invenire non potui, et de hoc pauca dicenda sunt Id enim quod ait: Ave, gratia plena, quod Græce dicitar, κεχαριτωμενη, ubi in Scripturis alibi legerim non recordor; sed neque ad virum istiusmodi sermo esl, Salve, gratia plena. Soli Maria haec salutatio servatur. Si enim scisset Maria et ad alium quempiam similem factum esse sermonem, habebat quippe legis scientiam, et erat sancta, et prophetarom raticinia quotidiana meditatione cognoverat, nuuquam quasi peregrina eam salutatio terruisseL Propter quod loquitur ei angelus: Ne timeas, Maria, invenisti enim gratiam coram Domino. Ecec concipies in utero, et paries filium, et vocabis nomen ejus Jesum. Is erit magnus, et Filius Altissimi vocabitur. (PG 13:1815-16)

 

An alternative translation would be:

 

For truly the angel greeted Mary with a new kind of address—a form I could find nowhere in all of Scripture—and a few words must be said about this. For the phrase “Hail, full of grace” (rendered in Greek as κεχαριτωμενη), which I do not recall appearing elsewhere in the Scriptures, is not a greeting ever given to any man. It is reserved solely for Mary. For if Mary had known that a similar address had been given to any other person—since she possessed the knowledge of the Law, was holy, and through her daily meditation on the writings of the prophets had recognized its meaning—this greeting would never have struck her as something strange. Therefore the angel says to her: “Do not be afraid, Mary, for you have found favor with the Lord. You will conceive in your womb and bear a son, and you shall call his name Jesus. He will be great, and will be called the Son of the Most High.”

 

For a previous use of the perfect passive participle form of χαριτοω in Origen, see the discussion of Fragments in the Gospel of John XI (concerning John 1:16).

 

The perfect passive participle form of χαριτοω was used for men, not simply women, in both the LXX and other Greek sources. See, for e.g.:

 

χαριτοω and Luke 1:28 and Sirach 18:17 in the Brill Dictionary of Ancient Greek (cf. Bullard and Hatton (UBS Handbook) on Sirach 18:17)

 

χαριτοω in the perfect participle form in Symmachus's version of Psalm 17:27 (English 18:26)

 

χαριτοω in the perfect passive participle form in John Chrysostom, Fragments in Proverbs, chapter 25

 

χαριτοω in the perfect passive participle form in Acts of Philip 48

 

 

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William R. Schoedel on Ignatius, To the Ephesians 19:1

in his translation of Ignatius, To the Ephesians 19:1, Schoedel rendered the text as:

 

The virginity of Mary and her giving birth eluded the ruler of this age, likewise also the death of the Lord—three mysteries of a cry which were done in the stillness of God.

 

Commenting on this text, he wrote that:

 

We may assume that fundamental to the theme of the hiddenness of the events of salvation (19.1) was a sense of awe at the noiseless entrance of divinity into the world (cf. Cyril Jer. Catech. 12.9) and a feeling of wonder that the pride of power unexpectedly met its match in apparent weakness and defeat. Ignatius’ emphasis on the reality of Christ’s suffering may be taken as an extension of that attitude. Complications arise when the role of the evil one in such transactions becomes a matter for speculation. A passage in Paul already seems to refer to demonic powers who unwittingly work their own defeat by crucifying the Lord of glory (1 Cor 2:6–8). They knew something but not enough. Why?

 

Two answers recommended themselves in the early period. (a) The evil one knew from OT prophecy that the Christ was coming but was uncertain whether Jesus was the one. (b) The powers did not know with whom they were dealing when they persecuted Jesus since he eluded detection when he descended through the heavens. Ignatius’ language about the “economy” (Eph. 18.2; 20.1) and the “mysteries” (19.1) suggests a possible reference to the hidden purposes of God in the OT period. But reminiscences of the language of hidden descent seem to be stronger. Thus Ignatius’ reflections on the star (19.2–3) emphasize the cosmic dimensions of the event. And the treatment of the birth of Christ as miraculous and mysterious fits such a context. A noteworthy example is an interpolation of the Ascension of Isaiah (11.2–22): we are told just after the description of Christ’s painless (and almost non-physical) birth (11.2–15) that “this was hidden from all the heavens and all the princes and every god of this world” (11.16). Yet Ignatius does not actually describe the descent, and it is possible (c) that we are dealing with a more modest form of the theme in which the emphasis is on the events of salvation that take place here on earth and are hidden from the powers of darkness until the resurrection or ascension (cf. Justin Dial. 36.6). Apart from its present context the interpolation in the Ascension of Isaiah hardly says more. The text stresses the fact that Joseph continued as Mary’s husband externally, telling no one of the virgin birth, and that the birth itself took place while he and Mary were alone. Similarly, in an interpretation of Ignatius’ words, Origen (Hom. in Luc. 6) says that thanks to Joseph, Mary passed as a married woman and so escaped the notice of Satan. Jerome (Comm. in Matt. 1.18) repeats the point. Along the same lines, Hippolytus says that Jesus appeared in lowly human guise at his baptism ἵνα λάθῃ τοῦ δράκοντος τὸ πανούργημα “so that he might elude the wickedness of the dragon” (Theoph. 4). And in speaking of Jesus’ trial, the Sibylline Oracles (8.292–93) predict that Jesus “will remain silent” (σιγήσει) to prevent any from knowing who he is so that he might speak to the dead.

 

The three mysteries—Mary’s virginity and her child-bearing “likewise also” (ὁμοίως καί) the Lord’s death—clearly break down into two groups and as such correspond to the birth and the baptism-as-death at the end of the previous section (18.2). Thus there can be no emphasis on the number three. Elsewhere the expression ὁμοίως καί (Eph. 16.2; Pol. 5.1) emphatically affirms the relevance of what has just been said to another item. Thus Ignatius is not simply listing the events of Jesus’ life in chronological order; and if it seems best, we are free to think that he goes on in 19.2–3 to comment on the birth of Christ in particular. Three things favor this solution: (a) According to Eph. 20.1 Ignatius regards himself as just “getting into” (ἠρξάμην) his exposition of the divine “plan”; and it is likely that he began at the beginning with the incarnation, especially since he links the birth of Christ and the divine “plan” so closely in Eph. 18.2. (b) The expression “God being revealed as human” in Eph. 19.3 may have in view the earthly epiphany of Christ as a whole, but surely refers to the incarnation in particular (cf. Mag. 8.2); in any event, the present tense of the participle indicates that Christ’s manifestation in human form is thought of as contemporaneous with the shattering of the powers of evil; and such a statement seems out of place if Christ has just been described as having ascended and left this world behind. (c) The tradition about the star is more securely tied (as we shall see) with the Christmas story. Yet the birth and the passion were clearly linked in Ignatius’ mind, and here the older part of the Ascension of Isaiah may help us fill out the picture that Ignatius has left incomplete; for after the future descent of the Son is announced in heaven (9.12–13), the angel says, “and the god of that world will stretch forth his hand against the Son and they will lay hands on him and crucify him on a tree without knowing who he is; so his descent, as thou wilt see, is hidden from the heavens so that it remains unperceived who he is” (9.14–15). (William R. Schoedel, Ignatius of Antioch: A Commentary on the Letters of Ignatius of Antioch [Hermeneia—a Critical and Historical Commentary on the Bible; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985], 89–90)

 

 

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Saturday, March 29, 2025

Did Hilary of Poitiers Teach Penal Substitution?

In his Homilies on the Psalms 53.12, Hilary of Poitiers wrote:


Now in view of our repeated, nay our unbroken assertion both that it was the Only-begotten Son of God Who was uplifted on the cross, and that He was condemned to death Who is eternal by virtue of the origin which is His by the nature which He derives from the eternal Father, it must be clearly understood that He was subjected to suffering of no natural necessity, but to accomplish the mystery of man’s salvation; that He submitted to suffering of His own Will, and not under compulsion. And although this suffering did not belong to His nature as eternal Son, the immutability of God being proof against the assault of any derogatory disturbance, yet it was freely undertaken, and was intended to fulfil a penal function without, however, inflicting the pain of penalty upon the sufferer: not that the suffering in question was not of a kind to cause pain, but because the divine Nature feels no pain. God suffered, then, by voluntarily submitting to suffering; but although He underwent the sufferings in all the fulness of their force, which necessarily causes pain to the sufferers, yet He never so abandoned the powers of His Nature as to feel pain.

 

Does this passage teach Penal Substitution? Not according to William L. Hess who noted that:

 

In this passage, Hilary is speaking of the incarnation, of the divine nature being combined with human nature, how the Divine Son freely took on all the forms of man, including the ability to experience suffering. IT is this suffering God Himself voluntarily submitted to in the “fullness of their force.” Hilary then states that God never abandoned the power of HIs divine nature to feel pain, but He merely chose the experience it voluntarily. IT is this suffering that is “penal” in nature. Never does Hilary state that it is God who punishes Him or that He was punished instead of us. Rather, Hilary is saying Christ had to be able to suffer and die as a consequence of becoming a human being. To be able to suffer is a penalty of being human. Hence, why God said in Genesis, 3, “I will multiply your pain in childbirth,” or “cursed is the ground because of you; in pain you shall eat of it all the days of your life.” At the incarnation, Jesus had to take on the form of man, with all mankind’s frailty and flaws, in order that He might suffer the consequence of being mortal. Because if He were not mortal, He could not die, and if He could not die, He could not resurrect; if He could not resurrect, He could not destroy death. Jesus did not experience the penalty of sin to appease the wrath of God, He suffered the penalty to morality to “destroy the curse of the law”.

 

The curse of the law Hilary was referring to was the curse of death, not the wrath of God or sin being metaphysically transferred to Him. As Hilary states, “the sentence of the curse was pronounced on all who broke the law,” but it was “from this curse that our Lord Jesus Christ redeemed us.” Therefore, the incarnate Messiah “offered Himself to the death of the accursed that He might break the curse of the Law.”

 

It is at this point Hilary speaks of Jesus as offering Himself as a “voluntary victim to God . . . that by means of a voluntary victim the curse which attended the discontinuance of the regular victim might be removed.” Hilary states that Christ was offered up as a victim to God. Not a victim of God. With Hilary speaking on the sacrificial system throughout, and discussing the “legal sacrifices” next, it becomes clear that by “victim,” Hilary means “sacrifice.” Despite Christ’s innocence, He chose to die and offer Himself up as a willing sacrifice, victimizing Himself on behalf of mankind. He did this to secure “complete salvation for the human race.”

 

Although Hilary uses more “forensic language” (which was common in the West) in his discussions on the atonement, his themes echo that of his forefathers. The incarnate Son gave Himself on behalf of men, as sacrifice to God, to destroy the powers of darkness restoring mankind. I am certain that some of this forensic and legal language used in the Western church is the very seedbed by which satisfaction models of the atonement grew later in church history. However, I think upon inspection the claim that Hilary taught PSA is left waning, as he never states Jesus was struck down by the Father, satisfied wrath or justice, nor was punished in place of sinners. Rather, He emphasizes how Christ destroyed the curse of the Law by handing Himself over to mortal death and resurrected to destroy death’s power over man.

 

It is important to know people can use similar verbiage when discussing the atonement while referring to entirely different concepts. Just because a church father mentions the notion of sacrifice, offering substitute, or penalty, does not necessarily mean they are referring to the doctrine of PSA as normally defined. In the case of St. Hilary, it becomes abundantly clear at the end of His Homily when he believes took place with Christ’s atoning work. (William L. Hess, Crushing the Great Serpent: Did God Punish Jesus? [2024], 274-76)

 

Hess then quotes the following from Hilary (the remaining portion of the work quoted earlier):

 

It is true that in order to take the whole of our nature upon Him He submitted to death, that is to the apparent severance of soul and body, and made His way even to the realms below, the debt which man must manifestly pay: but He rose again and abides for ever and looks down with an eye that death cannot dim upon His enemies, being exalted unto the glory of God and born once more Son of God after becoming Son of Man, as He had been Son of God when He first became Son of Man, by the glory of His resurrection. He looks down upon His enemies to whom He once said: Destroy this temple, and in three days I will build it up. And so, now that this temple of His body has been built again, He surveys from His throne on high those who sought after His soul, and, set far beyond the power of human death, He looks down from heaven upon those who wrought His death, He who suffered death, yet could not die, the God-Man, our Lord Jesus Christ, Who is blessed for ever and ever. Amen.

 

 

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Friday, March 28, 2025

Charles William Neumann on the Depreciation of Joseph's Role as Spouse of Mary in Ambrose's Mariology

  

An Objection: Joseph's Role as Spouse Depreciated

 

Against both these solutions, however, and more particularly against the second, an objection arises. Has not Joseph, the spouse of Mary, been pushed off the scene? And if Christ rather than Joseph is called the spouse of Mary, as in the second solution and in the interpretation above made of the text of Exp. Luc. 2:56, must it not be remembered that Mary loved Joseph as her spouse? These questions, in so far as they concern Ambrose's thought, have already been partially answered in the study of the marriage of Mary and Joseph. The following views, with the appreciation of Joseph there presented, are admittedly among the less complimentary that Ambrose expressed about Joseph, and should be counterbalanced with others, where Joseph's claim to the title just man is vindicated or his role as guardian of the virgin's purity developed. In expounding such titles Ambrose rightly vaunts his fidelity to Scripture. Where he departs from the meagre Scriptural details, he detracts from Joseph's grandeur as spouse of Mary, especially on two points which have already come to light: in dependence on a patristic tradition, he held that Joseph was still alive at the Crucifixion; Jesus' entrusting Mary to John under this circumstance takes on a prejudicial character, which perhaps did much to leave Ambrose his less elevated idea of Joseph's role; by contrast, furthermore, with Jerome, Ambrose inclined to the view that at the time of Joseph's marriage to Mary he was a widow and the father of the so-called "brethren of the Lord". The mutual belonging of Joseph and Mary to each other could not, therefore, in his eyes be as complete as one would desire. The pactio conjugalis that united them, he said, was not indissoluble, and its greatest value seems to have been to sanction their unique position juridically. Under the light of these observations the question of the place allowed in Ambrose's thought for Mary's love of Joseph as a spouse becomes a tortuous one. A favorable answer is not so clear as to be considered an objection to the thesis stated earlier, namely, that in Ambrose's mind, though not explicitly in his works, Christ was the spouse of his virginal Mother, as of all other virgins and of the Church. Mary's progress in virginity of heart and spirit throughout her life in the company of Joseph, from whom God chose not to separate her until the hour of her Son's death, would then appear even more rightly a mystery worthy of being reserved to the sublime Gospel of John. (Charles William Neumann, The Virgin Mary in the Works of Saint Ambrose [Contributions in the History of Early Christian Literature and Theology 17; Fribourg: The University Press, 1962], 199-201, emphasis in bold added)

 

 

The depreciative role which Ambrose accorded Joseph was recognized, for example, by Abbot Ernaldus, friend of Bernard of Clairvaux. In his brief Libellus de Laudibus Beatae Mariae Virginis Ernaldus copies entire pages of Ambrose without acknowledging his source. Having begun an exposition of the words spoken by the dying Savior to His Mother, he continues (PL 189:1731c-1732a):

 

Modo matrem non abjicis, nec ignoras, sed commendas discipulo, et vica- riam imponis sollicitudinem illi quem praecipue diligis, qui supra pectus tuum in coena recubuit. "Mulier, inquit, ecce filius tuus"; et ad disci- pulum : "Ecce mater tua." Supererat Joseph ad quem usque ad illud tempus praecipua obsequii spectaverat ratio, et cui ad hoc ipsum fuerat despon- sata; et modo quasi hoc ministerio censeatur indignus, Joannes assumitur. Hunc intellectum circumstantia sermonis videtur exigere. Verum secretiori ratione virginitas virginitali commendatur, ut hoc testimonio juguletur Bono- sus haereticus et profanus Helvidius, qui ore fetido ausi sunt garrire quod de utero virginali alius praeter Christum partus effusus est, et post Salva- torem natum Joseph eam licentia maritali contigerit. Ipse Christus de cruce maternae virginitatis est arbiter idem et assertor ... "Suscepit eam Joannes in suam", non abnuente Joseph, nec aliquam calumniam referente, suscepit eam in suam, non quasi maritus, sed loco filii, assecla et custos, et testis et conscius. Erant quidem ambo in ministerio Mariae, Joseph cedente pro tempore et causa, Joanne praeposito. (English: Now you do not reject the Mother, nor do you ignore her; rather, you entrust her to the disciple and assign the substitute care to him whom you love above all, the one who reclined over your bosom at the Last Supper. “Woman,” He said, “behold your son”; and to the disciple, “Behold your mother.”

 

Joseph, until that time regarded as the one to whom the highest duty of service had been observed—and to whom she had been betrothed for that very purpose—now, as if deemed unworthy for this ministry, is replaced by John. The circumstances of the discourse appear to demand this understanding.

 

Yet, by a more secret reasoning, virginity is commended in terms of virginity, so that this testimony is invoked by the heretic and profaner Helvidius Bonosus, who, with foul language, dared to babble that from the virgin womb another (besides Christ) was brought forth, and that after the Savior was born Joseph had exercised marital rights with her.

 

Christ Himself is the judge and the confirmer of maternal virginity from the Cross… “John received her as his own,” not with Joseph’s objection, nor with any calumny being raised, but He received her as His own—not as a husband, but in the place of a son, as a follower and guardian, as witness and confidant. Indeed, both were in the service of Mary, with Joseph yielding temporarily and for a purpose, and John appointed as the superior.)

 

Ernaldus has only carried to its logical consequences Ambrose's view of Joseph as the widower of a former marriage who is still living at the crucifixion. In the third of his Tractatus de septem vevbis Domini in Cruce Ernaldus voiced the same opinion as above (PL 189: 1696b):

 

Ecce, Joannes, piae haereditatis suscipis testamentum, eligeris, et in hoc praeponeris omnibus. Joseph, qui eatenus ministraverat, te subrogato, cedit ; nec maritalia jura opponit, ut obstruatur os loquentium iniqua in posterum, quia matrimonium illud dispensationi divinae, non copulae carnali servierat. Ideoque nec Joseph, cum Joannes eam suscipit in parentem, queritur de disjuncto connubio, quod dispensatorium fuerat sine ullo carnalis copulae commercio. (English : Behold, John, you assume the testament of pious inheritance; you are chosen, and in this you are set above all. Joseph, who had until now served her in that role, now yields to you, and he does not invoke marital rights to hinder the mouth of the slanderers in the future, because that marriage served the purpose of divine dispensation rather than a carnal union. Therefore, even when John receives her as his parent, Joseph does not complain about the dissolved union—which had been dispensed without any exchange of carnal union.) (Ibid., 200-1 n. 5, English translations added for clarification)

 

 

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