Sunday, April 5, 2026

Matthew Lynch on "High Places" in Chronicles

  

Excursus: Shrines and Centralization in Chronicles

 

At this juncture, it is worth considering several ways that Chronicles “comprehensively reworked” the subject of the “high places,” or more accurately, “shrines” (במות), in ways that sustain its perspective on Yhwh’s unique mediating institutions. Chronicles omit references to worship at the shrines from the reigns of Joash/Jehoash, Amaziah, Azariah/Uzziah, and Jotham. Japhet states that Chronicles’ high view of Solomon led Chronicles to delete references to the במות from his successors, though this is difficult to prove. The first mention of illegitimate shrines occurs in connection with the במות that Jeroboam made in opposition to the Jerusalem cult (2 Chr 11:15). Regarding Asa and Jehoshaphat, Chronicles follows its source in Kings, which states that they did not remove the shrines (2 Chr 15:17; 20:33), but then deviates from its sources by stating that they did destroy them (2 Chr 14:2-4[3-5]; 17:6). Japhet attributes these contradicting accounts to Chronicles’ desire to follow its source text, but also praise these kings as reformers. Chronicles makes no attempt at a synthesis. Moreover, Chronicles states only that these kings removed the shrines from Judah, as the removal of shrines from all Israel was impossible during their reigns. It is not until his account of Jehoram that the Chronicler records a Judean king introducing shrines (2 Chr 21:11).

 

Non-Jerusalemite sacrifice to Yhwh at the במות receives mention in relation to three phases in Judah’s history in Chronicles, the first of which occurs before the temple’s construction. During that phase, sacrifice occurs during the ark’s transport to Jerusalem, where the Levites offer seven bulls and rams (1 Chr 15:26) while David officiates wearing his “linen robe” and “linen priestly vest” (1 Chr 15:27). David’s priestly garb (cf. Exod 29:5) is a fitting accompaniment to his role as patron and initiator of the Jerusalemite cult (16:1-3). In this instance, the Chronicler’s effort to depict David as a cult founder takes precedent over his concern to restrict sacrifice to the “official” altar of Bezalel. However, the altar and cult at Gibeon were not yet established, and thus, Chronicles may have reasoned that sacrifice before the ark was entirely appropriate, especially with David acting in a priestly capacity. After establishing the Levitical cult before the ark in Jerusalem (16:4-38), David places Zadok and other Aaronids before the tabernacle and altar in Gibeon (16:39-40).

 

Later, when David sees the מלאך יהוה at Ornan’s threshing floor, the Chronicler states that David sacrificed in Jerusalem and not Gibeon because “he feared the sword” of the מלאך יהוה (1 Chr 21:28-30). Thus, Chronicles tolerates a limited bifurcation in the cult prior to the temple’s establishment. After David institutes the priestly sacrificial cult at Gibeon, sacrifice at a non-official altar occurs only on that one occasion (21:28), but even this was at the future temple site. Chronicles omits the reference to Solomon’s numerous sacrifices before the ark recorded in 1 Kgs 3:15, and demonstrates a concern to restrict sacrifice to the official altar in Gibeon.

 

Chronicles records that Solomon offered sacrifices at the במה in Gibeon (2 Chr 1:3, 13). Sacrifice at Gibeon is justified because the tent of meeting and Bezalel’s altar were there “before Yhwh” (לפני יהוה; 2 Chr 1:3, 5-6), even though the ark sat in the city of David with musical attendants (v. 4). The “tabernacle of Yhwh” (משכן יהוה) at Gibeon was staffed by Zadok and his fellow priests, who ministered at the “altar of burnt offering” (1 Chr 16:39; 21:29). None of these details receive mention in Kings, and they clearly arise from priestly concerns to maintain the distinctiveness of the one Yahwistic altar.

 

The second phase of Yahwistic worship at במות occurs during the reign of Manasseh (2 Chr 33:17), though here there is no indication that priests or Levites participated in this activity, making it qualitatively different from Gibeon. In contrast to all other references to plural במות in Kings, this is the only mention of Yahwistic worship at shrines. A possible reason that Chronicles makes a point of such Yahwistic worship at the במות is that it still attributes their removal to Josiah (2 Chr 34:3). Thus, Chronicles depicts what it might consider the lesser of two evils, decentralized worship of Yahweh. The overt mention of Yahwistic worship at the במות, something never claimed of them in Kings, may also be a concession to the state of affairs in the Persian period, when Yahwistic worship occurred in various temples.

 

A third acknowledgement of decentralized Yhwh worship at במות occurs in the mouth of Sennacherib’s messengers: “Is Hezekiah not the one who removed his [Yhwh’s] high places and his altars, saying to Judah and Jerusalem, ‘Before one altar (מזבח אחד) you shall worship, and upon it offer incense’?” (2 Chr 32:12).112 Here Chronicles lets an allusion to decentralized Yhwh worship stand, it seems, to amplify the significance of Hezekiah’s reforms. Hezekiah eradicated the במות and supported only “one altar” (אחד מזבח; המזבח הזה in 2 Kgs 18:22), which Sennacherib infamously mistook as a sign of weakness. This third acknowledgement is only implicit in Chronicles, and is in service of the portrait of Hezekiah as one who maintains one unique worship center.

 

Thus, in contrast to Samuel–Kings, Chronicles’ overwhelming claim is that since the days of David, sacrificial worship of Yhwh took place at the one legitimate shrine. Non- Jerusalemite Yhwh worship in Gibeon appears as a preparatory measure during the days of David until early days of Solomon (in preparation for the temple), and after Manasseh’s incomplete restoration of the cult. Only in the latter case did sacrifice to Yhwh explicitly take place apart from the one legitimate shrine. (Matthew Lynch, Monotheism and Institutions in the Book of Chronicles [Forschungen zum Alten Testament 2.Reihe 64; Studies of the Sofja Kovalevskaja Research Group on Early Jewish Monotheism 1; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014], 97-99)

 

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